C Maiden Hills

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

512

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djadjawurrung

Narrative

In April 1839, Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright arrested William Allen, overseer on HB Bowerman's Mount Mitchell pastoral run, and two convict shepherds, Abraham Braybrook and John Davis, at the nearby Learmonth brothers' station at Burrumbeet, for killing and then burning six to eight Aborigines and taking 'every pain to obliterate all traces of the bodies' (Clark, 1995, p 92). According to Clark (1995, p 92), G.A. Robinson said that the site was at the junction of two creeks 12 kilometres from Bowerman's outstation, and that Sievwright ‘found a small piece [of] cranium under a piece of log’ and that several huts in the district, including that occupied by William Allen, 'had Aboriginal skulls placed over their doors' (Clark, 1995, pp 92-3). 'John Davis and Abraham Braybrook were committed for trial for the killings. However, owing to the lack of corroborating evidence from white men, the attorney general [J.H. Plunkett], refused to prosecute the two men for anything other than the misdemeanour of burning the bodies' and even of that, the men were subsequently acquitted (Robinson Papers cited in Clark 1995, p. 93). According to Chief Protector GA Robinson, the two men ‘were not wholly cleared of guilt and the public prosecutor recommended that they be turned to the public works’. However, they were returned to Burrumbeet station where Robinson saw Braybrook on 27 February 1840 (Robinson cited in Clark 1998a, p. 180). The Rev. Joseph Orton presented the following summary of Sievwright's report (dated 17 April 1839) 'Allen, the overseer to Bowerman, had instructed the shepherds at the outstations to inform him immediately any natives made their appearance that he might be prepared for them. On one occasion the natives did come and were quiet and friendly, but the servants having received peremptory orders from Mr Allen to inform him when the natives came, they accordingly did so. Allen immediately ordered his horse to be saddled and rode in search of them and found the natives a few miles from the shepherds' station and warned them not to come near the station' (this incident relates to the massacre of 10-14 Aborigines being killed in July 1838). ‘Allen left orders again with the shepherds not to allow the natives near. The men, however, said they were peaceable and they were desirous to keep on good terms with them. A short time after this the blacks came to the shepherds hut and under suspicion that they came to rob the hut an affray commenced and from six to eight Aborigines were shot by the white men. The bodies were burned the next day. It appears in the deposition that a native woman was in the hut with the white men. In answer to a question Allen acknowledged that he had ordered the men to protect themselves. Davies, a prisoner, shot most or all. The above is the substance of the depositions and admissions of the implicated parties which is of course the <i>ex parte</i> statement. Allen was bound to appear when called for in recognisance of 200 pounds. In this case nothing more has been done than taking the depositions of the aggressors and murderers. There being no evidence but their own and that of the Aborigines – in the former case the accused cannot incriminate himself in a court of justice and in the latter Aboriginal evidence is inadmissible. Thus these miscreants elude justice and boast in their foul deeds – which accounts for the apparent frankness of their depositions' (Orton 1840-42, 12 January 1841, cited in Clark, 1995, p 89-90).

Sources

Orton Journal, 1840-42, 12 Jan 1841, cited in Clark 1995, pp 89-90; Cannon and Macfarlane 1983, pp 642-643; Clark ID 1995, pp 89-90; 92-93; Clark, 1998, p 192 (Robinson Journals).

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Mount Ida (1)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1025

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wongai

Narrative

A newspaper (<i>The Southern Cross Times</i> of December 24, 1904 p25) reported on the exploits of a 'plucky pioneer' Harold Cocking who was a gold prospector in the Goldfields district in the 1890s. The article reports that following the death of a prospector named Cahill, 30 Aboriginal people were shot in reprisal. 'It took them four days to get there and they had to be extremely cautious and careful as the blacks were very wild and dangerous. Some of them had murdered a prospector named Cahill and his mate and it was said that a party of whites avenged this by shooting about 30 of the aboriginals' (<i>The Southern Cross Times</i>, December 24, 1904 p25).

Sources

<i>The Southern Cross Times</i>, December 24, 1904 p 25 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/209357650/22601199">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/209357650/22601199</a>

Police_District

Goldfields

Sources

C Mt Emu Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

514

Victim_Dead

35

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djargurd Wurrung or Keeray- Woorroong or Wirngilgnad dhalinanong

Narrative

This massacre was organised in retaliation for the killing of some sheep by two Aborigines on what is now Glenormiston station, near Lake Terang, managed by Frederick Taylor. Ian D. Clark has written about this incident at great length: 'Having heard of the encampment' of between 45 and 52 Aboriginal men, women and children from three different clans in the gully on Mt Emu Creek, Frederick 'Taylor and two associates, James Hamilton and Broomfield, headed a party of shepherds with the intention of attacking them... As they approached the gully on horseback, the party formed an extended line with Taylor in the centre. They found the Aboriginal people asleep [suggesting that this was a dawn raid] and advanced shouting and immediately fired upon them, killing the whole group except 12 people. They afterwards threw the bodies in a neighbouring waterhole. One of the survivors was Woreguimoni, a Gulidjan, who had hidden in the long grass.' Another survivor, Karn (also known as 'Mr Anderson'), 'returned after [the killers] had left the scene and began to remove the bodies from the waterhole, placing them on the ground four deep, head by head. In the course of this, he was discovered by some of the Europeans, who took him and his wife and child... to Taylor's home station, where he and his family were given provisions so that they would stay nearby, and away from the waterhole.' They then sent a cart to the waterhole 'and the bodies [were] brought up to the home station, where they were conveyed to some other waterholes and thrown in... Two further survivors of the massacre, Bareetch Cuurneen - alias Queen Fanny, the "chiefess" of the clan - and a child, were pursued to Wuurna Weewheetch... a point of land on the west side of Lake Bullen Merri. With the child on her back she swam across to a spot called Karm karm, below present day Wuurong homestead, and escaped.' (Clark ID 1995, pp 105-118) <br> According to Clark, in another account of this massacre, another survivor, Wangegamon, a Djargurd wurrung man, saw his wife and child killed. 'After the bodies were thrown in the creek, the water was stained with blood. Grieving, he remained near the gully for two days... two days after the massacre two men named Anderson and Watson... asked Taylor why he had killed so many women and children. Anderson [Karn], Charles Courtney, James Ranslie and James Hamilton subsequently made some fires and burned the bodies. Two days after the cremation, Taylor, Watson and Karn returned with a sack and removed all the bones that had not been consumed by the fires' (Clark, 1995, pp 107-108). <br> Taylor disappeared after this incident and apparently went to India but later returned to manage a station in Gippsland. He was replaced by a man named Symonds who took Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright to the scene of the crime in January 1840. Sievwright also interviewed one of the Aboriginal survivors, Tainneague, and decided that between 20 and 30 Aboriginal people had been killed in this incident while Edward Williamson, overseer at the Buntingdale mission, believed that the number was 35. GA Robinson was convinced that an entire tribe had been eradicated. Squatter Niel Black bought this run in late 1840 because it was already "cleared out" (see Kiddle, 1961, p 122). Some of the Aboriginal survivors sought sanctuary at the Wesleyan Mission at Buntingdale and it is largely through the efforts of missionaries like the Reverend Benjamin Hurst and Francis Tuckfield, as well as Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright and Chief Protector GA Robinson, that so much is known about this massacre. The next owner of Glenormiston station, Niel Black, mentioned the massacre in a letter to TS Gladstone, September 9, 1840. Mary Shaw wrote about the massacre in her book 'Mt Emu Creek' (Shaw, 1969, p 27; Clark, 1995, pp 105-118).

Sources

Kiddle 1961, p 122; Shaw 1969, p 27; Clark ID 1995, pp 105-118.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Blood Hole

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

515

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djadjawurrung

Narrative

Aldo Massola refers to this massacre as follows: 'At the end of 1839 Captain Dugald McLachlan settled at Glengower Station,' on Glengower Creek, near Campbelltown, 'and after the usual "introductory period" during which they were employed at the station and given flour and sugar rations, the Aborigines were gradually discouraged from frequenting the run. The culminating point of this policy was when the cook, who was in charge of the rations, either under instructions from his employer or otherwise, distributed to the Aborigines a mixture of flour and Plaster of Paris. Though this was a better mixture than the arsenic given them elsewhere in Victoria, we can imagine the "damper" which resulted.' The Aborigines, 'to whom this act was probably the last of a great many indignities, speared the cook and helped themselves to the quarters of mutton hanging from the rafters.' In retribution, 'McLachlan and his men caught up with the Aborigines at a waterhole on Middle Creek where they were about to feast on the mutton. The Aborigines sought safety by diving into the waterhole and there they were shot, one at a time, as they came up for air. The place is still known as "The Blood-Hole"' (Massola, 1969, p 88).

Sources

Massola, 1969, p 88; Clark ID 1995, p 97.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Mount Clere and Mount Labouchere

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1027

Victim_Dead

11

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Yamatji

Narrative

The official government report (The Governor - Statements of Rev J B Gribble (xi) Natives shot at Mounts Clere and Labouchere) to the Western Australian Governor and the Aborigines Protection Board record that Reverend JB Gribble stated '11 Natives shot at Mounts Clere and Labouchere' in the Gascoyne District (SROWA). In his 1886 text, <i>Dark Deeds in a Sunny Land</i> Gribble wrote 'Early this year it was reported that five natives had been shot dead by white men near Mount Clare, and about the same time two more were shot by a party somewhere in the direction of Mount Labouchere' (Gribble, JB, 1886, p 51).

Sources

'The Governor - Statements of Rev JB Gribble (xi) Natives shot at Mounts Clere and Labouchere (3673/86)', SROWA, S2032, Cons 388, Item 9; Gribble, JB 1987 [1886] <a href="https://ro.ecu.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=8231&context=ecuworks">https://ro.ecu.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=8231&context=ecuworks</a>

Police_District

Gascoyne

Sources

C Tahara Station

Type

Other

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Description

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cfm_ID

516

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wulluwurrung

Narrative

Following an Aboriginal attack on shepherds and carrying off some sheep at George Winter's station in late 1840, a reprisal party killed at least five Aborigines. On 12 January 1841, the Reverend Joseph Orton made the following entry in his diary: ’The alleged cause of the attack was the aggressions of the natives. The attack of the Europeans was equally atrocious and unjustifiable, the result of which was that according to the depositions at least five natives were killed. This occurrence was on a station of Winter's who appears to have taken active part in the performance’ (Orton Papers 1840-1842, 12 January 1841, ML A1715 ).

Sources

Orton 1840-1842; Clark ID 1995, p 25.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Kimberley Mass Poisoning

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

1028

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Multiple Kimberley

Narrative

It was reported in the Sydney Morning Herald that WM Burton had spent four years in the Kimberley district of Western Australia and he recounted how a man with whom he camped admitted to murdering Aboriginal people (calling them 'rubbish') by giving them poisoned meat. ‘In Kimberley the native is merely a dog, and used by all classes of the community as a slave and rouseabout...But the atrocious way those poor blacks are driven' from pillar to post and accused of cattle killing, is appalling. One man with whom I camped for some time told me that to get rid of the rubbish he made them a present of a poisoned bullock, and then watched the corroboree. The blacks died in dozen’s round the camp fires’ (<i>SMH</i>, December 24, 1910, p 5).

Sources

<i>SMH</i> December 24, 1910, p 5 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article15216573">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article15216573</a>;<i>The Daily News</i>, January 24, 1911, p 1 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article81758288">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article81758288</a>

Police_District

Kimberley

Sources

C Fighting Hills

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

517

Victim_Dead

41

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Nundadjali

Narrative

According to Jan Critchett (1990, p 127) and Ian Clark (1995, p 145), in February 1840, the five Whyte brothers occupied Koonongwootong station on Koroit Creek, 6.5 kilometres north of present day Coleraine. On 8 March they gathered a party of nine men armed with double-barrelled guns, comprising the five Whyte brothers on horseback and four convict shepherds on foot, including Daniel Turner, William Gillespie and Benjamin Turner, and ‘hunted down’ the Aborigines in the area, killing at least 40 of them on the grounds that some 'had made off with 127 sheep’. According to Clark (1995, p 145) ‘The massacre took place at the Hummocks,…a unique rocky outcrop dissected by a narrow gorge of the Wando River and became known as Fighting Hills’. Assistant Protector Sievwright was 9.5 kilometres from the scene and quickly heard about the massacre from Aboriginal survivors who told him that 41 of their clan had been killed (Orton Papers, 12 January 1841). According to Clark, realising that the massacre could not be covered up, John Whyte, the youngest of the five brothers, decided to ride to Melbourne and make a personal report to Superintendent La Trobe (Clark, 1995, pp 145, 147). En route, on 23 March, he called in at Glenormiston Station near Terang and told squatter Niel Black his version of the events. According to Black, Whyte said that 25 Aborigines had been killed (Journal of Niel Black 1840 in Clark 1995, pp147-148). In April 1840, ‘the sole Aboriginal survivor of the massacre, Long Yarra or "Lanky Bill", was killed by George MacNamara, one of Francis Henty's hut keepers at Merino Downs’ (Clark, 1995, p 146). When Sievwright, arrived at the Whytes’ station in May 1840 to take depositions from the attackers, according to missionary Joseph Orton, he was surprised to find that the Whyte brothers and their shepherds freely admitted what had happened and that there was little variation in their accounts of the slaughter, except in their estimates of the number killed – between 30 and 80 (Orton Papers 12 January 1841, ML A 1715). In June 1841, the Reverend Joseph Orton examined the depositions of the Whyte brothers and summarised the course of events. He said that the men stayed up late the night before, preparing cartridges for their double-barrelled guns and ‘ [e]arly the next morning they followed the tracks of the sheep to some low hills covered with tea-tree about ten kilometres away. They tied up their horses, and crept slowly into the trees. Hearing Aboriginal voices, they crawled up to the edge of the clearing on the edge of the creek, where a meal of mutton was being prepared by a large group of [Bungandtji speakers]. As the white men moved to surround the camp, they were spotted. The women and children fled as the men rushed to grab their weapons. A spear was thrown and the men started firing. Daniel Turner was speared through the thigh, and one of the Whytes received an accidental gun-shot wound on the cheek, prompting the other gunmen to become “savage to desperation”’. According to the Whyte brothers’ statements, the [Bunganditji ] tried valiantly to withstand the onslaught, one of them being shot nine times before he finally fell. Dozens more spears were thrown in what the Whyte brothers later described as lasting more than an hour, but none hit their targets’ (Reverend Joseph Orton, 12 January 1841, ML A1715). In Melbourne, the Crown Prosecutor, James Croke, after examining the depositions of Daniel Turner, William Gillespie and Benjamin Wardle, considered that the Aborigines appeared to have been the aggressors in originally stealing the sheep and that William Whyte had killed two Aborigines only after a spear was thrown at him and John Whyte ‘stated that no less than 200 spears were thrown and not less than 30 Aborigines were killed’ (Whyte cited in Clark 1995, p. 149). Croke concluded that he could not accept the perpetrators’ depositions on the grounds that they were self-incriminating and that in the absence of independent witnesses, he could not charge the men with anything (Croke cited in Clark 1995, p 149). In 1853, squatter George Robertson, who moved into the area three days after the massacre, stated that 51 Aborigines were killed. 'Fifty sheep, stolen and killed by the Aborigines lay with as many bodies of Aboriginal people after the massacre. The bodies of the sheep and men lay all around, almost an equal number of each – the bones of the men and the sheep lay mingled together bleaching in the sun at the Fighting Hills' (Robertson to La Trobe, 26 September 1853, cited in Sayers 1983, p. 16). I

Sources

Orton Papers 1840-1842, ML A1715; Robertson to La Trobe 26 Sept 1853, in Sayers, 1983, p 164; Critchett 1990, p 127; Clark ID 1995, pp 145-151.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C York (2)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1029

Victim_Dead

18

Attacker_Dead

3

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Whadjuk, Ballardong

Narrative

After the southwest Pinjarra massacre of October 1834 sites of conflict shifted northeast into Whadjuk and Ballardong Aboriginal Noongar country around Northam and York. Lieutenant Bunbury wrote in his journal on 10th July 1836 ‘When I last wrote to you [Family] I was just starting on a journey to the southward to establish a new station at the 'Williams' river which took me five weeks. A few days after my return I was ordered over here [York] with a detachment to mark war upon the Natives, who have been very troublesome lately, robbing farms and committing other depredations, even attempting to spear White people… I hope, however, it will not last very long as the Natives seem inclined to be quiet since I shot a few of them one night’ (Bunbury 1930, p 27). In June 1837 a group speared and killed Isaac Green, a soldier, in retaliation for the shooting of two Ballardong men at York (<i>Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal</i>, July 22, 1837, p 941). On 8 July 1837 Edward Jones and Peter Chidlow were working on a property called Katrine when a large group of up to 40 Ballardong Noongar, incensed by the arrest of some of their countrymen for stealing, approached them demanding flour and bread. A fight broke out and both Jones and Chidlow were speared to death (nine and seven spears respectively) in an event creating months of payback conflict. On 20 July 1837 William Nairn Clark, Solicitor at the <i>Guardian</i> wrote ‘Some parties advocate an indiscriminate slaughter of the Blacks, in the York district, others transportation of the Natives, from the Main Land, to one of the neighbouring Islands...Unnecessary cruelty ought not to be inflicted, but the deaths of Chidlow and Jones must be avenged, and we say that ample justice ought to be dealt against their Murderers in the first place, as a terror to their assistants or abbetors, and in the next place let us enquire what salutary measures can be adopted to civilize the Natives, and make them acquainted with our Laws, our Religious, Civil and Military Institutions, and their own right as British Subjects. A general Massacre would be offensive to the Laws of God, as well as those of Man, because the innocent might then be sacrificed to atone for the crimes of the guilty... The Murder of Chidlow and Jones calls aloud for vengeance, but Justice should be tempered with mercy, indiscriminate slaughter of inoffending Tribes can never be palliated’ (<i>Swan River Gazette</i>, July 20, 1837 pp 205-206). On July 1837 York – Bunbury records the names of 11 Aboriginal People shot at York –By November 1837 Reverend Louis Giustiniani wrote a letter to the <i>Swan River Guardian</i> stating 18 Ballardong people were killed in York over the last five months, plus their ears were cut off and hung up in the kitchen of Arthur Trimmer’s house. (<i>Swan River Guardian</i>, November 16, 1837, p 249) List of Aboriginal people shot at York - Warangwert – shot near Heales Dudum – shot at the back of Morells Boonyup – shot near Dodds Wanup or Weinepwert – shot at York Wonnup – shot near Brockmans Boongang – shot near Mrs Littletons grant Nookinman – shot near Mrs Littletons grant Darraman – shot by Mr Waylen at his Tougee farm Wurap – shot by Mr Waylen at his Tougee farm Duir – shot by Mr Waylen at his Tougee farm Yoayoungwort – shot by Mr Waylen at his Tougee farm. (Papers of HW Bunbury.)

Sources

<i>Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal</i>, July 22, 1837, p 941 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/639907">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/639907</a>; <i>Swan River Guardian</i>, July 20, 1837, pp 205-206 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041794">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041794</a>, November 16, 1837, p 249 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041771">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041771</a>; Bunbury, 1930, p 27 <a href="https://library.dbca.wa.gov.au/static/FullTextFiles/628354.pdf">https://library.dbca.wa.gov.au/static/FullTextFiles/628354.pdf</a>; Borowitzka, 2011 p 367; Lieut Bunbury Odds and Ends book, Battye Library, MN 2575, Papers of the H.W. (Henry William) Bunbury, ACC 327A, 6895A, 7146A <a href="https://purl.slwa.wa.gov.au/slwa_b1845344_1">https://purl.slwa.wa.gov.au/slwa_b1845344_1</a>.

Police_District

York, Northam

Sources

C Fighting Waterholes

Type

Other

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Description

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cfm_ID

518

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wulluwurrung or Nundadjali

Narrative

As reported in Clark (1995, 152), after the massacre at Fighting Hills on 8 March 1840, the Aborigines returned to the Whyte Brothers’ Konongwootong station a month later, and stole 'a number of sheep'. After unsuccessfully searching for a trail, 'to teach the Aborigines a lesson', the Whyte brothers and their stockmen separated…The Whytes rode to the nearest station to 'drown their disappointment' and the station hands, including Henry Skilton, William Fox, and two others, Henry and Bassett, 'returned to the home station. En route they passed the waterholes at which were camped some old men, women and children. They shot the entire camp' (Clark 1995, p 153). According to local historian ER Trangmar, 'the bodies of those killed at the Fighting Waterholes were buried in a mass grave on the bank of the overflow creek, below the present embankment of the Koonongwootong reservoir. In 1946, following heavy rain, a number of skulls and other bones were uncovered’ (Trangmar, 1956, p 8).

Sources

Clark 1995, pp 152-155; Trangmar, 1956, p 8.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Mount Rouse

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

519

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djab wurrung or Gai wurrung

Narrative

On 19 May 1840, overseer Patrick Codd was killed at Mount Rouse Station by five Aborigines of the Kolorer gundidj clan [Djab wurrung or Gai wurrung speakers], allegedly led by Taigara, also known as ‘Roger the Russian’, in retaliation for the murder of the Aboriginal warrior, Tuurap warneen. Taigara was later convicted and hanged for Codd's murder (Critchett, 1990, p 160) although Superintendent La Trobe was not convinced of his guilt on the grounds that there were no white witnesses at the murder (La Trobe to Gipps, 26 July 1842, cited in Shaw 1989, p 150). Codd was overseer and bookkeeper for the Wedge Brothers at the Grange, Strathkellar, just above present day Hamilton. Five days before his death, Codd had 'gone across' to Mount Rouse station 'to superintend the stock there during the projected absence of the overseer, James M Brock' (Clark, 1995, p 62). Charles Wedge wrote to his father JH Wedge in England about what happened after the Aborigines had killed Codd: 'On the following day or soon after Codd met his death, the squatters in the neighbourhood went in pursuit of the natives; but, owing to the wetness of the season, they did not succeed in revenging themselves so far as they intended; however, I believe three or four suffered.... They [the squatters] are determined (as they pay for protection and receive none) to exterminate this hostile tribe, without such protection is given them as will enable them to live in comparative security' (Charles Wedge to JH Wedge, Enclosure in Russell to Gipps, 20 February 1841, HRA, I, xxi, p 242). On 29 April 1841, GA Robinson was told by Captain Campbell, storekeeper at Port Fairy, 'that in revenge for Codd's death, 20 had been taken' (Robinson's journal 29 April 1841, cited in Clark, 1998b, p 161).

Sources

Critchett, 1990, p 160; HRA, I, xxi, p 242; Clark 1995, pp 62-63,156; Clark 1998b, pp 160-162; Shaw, 1989, p 150.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Swan River Colony

Type

Other

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Details

Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

1031

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Whadjuk

Narrative

This account was recorded in the <i>London Literary Gazette</i> 1830 (p 805) ‘Affray at the Swan River: By accounts in the Indian papers, we learn that there has been a battle royal between the settlers and the natives at the new establishment of Swan River [Colony, Perth]. The quarrel commenced at an attempt at theft by the natives at Perth. The aborigines made a great shew of courage: they dared the settlers to fight: and one of them advanced and quietly knocked down a corporal with his waddie, a stick about two and half feet long, and an inch in diameter. The chiefs ascended the trees like monkeys, and chattered to (the newspapers say harangued) their tribes from the top of the branches. In such situations they were shot at with facility; but they feared not the thunder and lightning of the Europeans: and seven of their number were killed. The whole certainly must have been as unique as everything is connected with this wonderful settlement.’

Sources

‘Affray at the Swan River’, <i>The London Literary Gazette and Journal of Belles Lettres</i>, Arts, Sciences, Etc, London, 1830, p 805 <a href="https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044092531243&seq=811">https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044092531243&seq=811</a>

Police_District

Perth

Sources

C Barfold Station, Coliban River, Campaspe Plains

Type

Other

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Description

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cfm_ID

520

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djadjawurrung or Ngurai-illamwurrung

Narrative

John Coppock, W.H. Yaldwin’s overseer at Barfold Station, on the Coliban River, said in a sworn statement, that on 9 June 1838 about 50 Aboriginal people had stolen sheep from Dr Bowman's and Mr Yaldwyn’s runs (Coppock cited in Cannon and Macfarlane, 1982, pp 336-337). Coppock led a party of eight white men from both stations in search of the Aboriginal camp and the sheep. When they reached the camp ‘a shot was fired’ and the Aboriginal men 'immediately manned their spears and gave another shout and instantly began throwing them at us. These spears dropped by us and passed as we were obliged to shelter ourselves behind trees.' ‘We fired upon the blacks and there was a regular engagement for about three-quarters of an hour, when we rushed up to the fires to take possession of the place. When we got to the fires the blacks had deserted them, but we saw them about one or two hundred yards off still in possession of the sheep. It was at this time quite dark and we were afraid to make any further attempt to take the sheep. We therefore went home.' ‘At the place where the blacks stood during the engagement we found seven or eight blacks dead’ (Coppock cited in Cannon & Macfarlane 1982a, p 337). When Coppock and six stockmen returned to the camp the next day, they 'found the bodies of the blacks who had been killed had been put upon the fire and were partly consumed' (Cannon & Macfarlane, 1982A, p 338). However, since Aboriginal people did not dispose of bodies in this way, it can only be assumed that Coppock and his party put them 'upon the fire'.

Sources

Cannon & Macfarlane, 1982, pp 336-340; See also: Clark ID 1995, p 98.

Police_District

Melbourne

Sources

C Eight Mile Well, Bridgetown

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1032

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Kaniyang / Wardandi

Narrative

Eight Mile Well in the shire of Bridgetown is a registered site with the State Government of Western Australia’s Heritage Council (Aboriginal Sites and Events, Bridgetown Historical Society Heritage Council of Western Australia). The site is thought to have originally been used as a traditional watering hole by the local Aboriginal Noongar Kaniyang people. In the 1860s conflict was created over access to the waterhole between the traditional owners and the British settlers. The Heritage Council (HC) and others suggest a massacre took place prior to any police being stationed in Bridgetown and was carried out by a group of colonists. The HC write ‘The survivors of the attack were reported to have relocated to Three Acre Pool on the Blackwood River above Bridgetown. They subsequently caught chicken pox and in an attempt to cool their fever, they bathed in the Blackwood River, which in turn gave them pneumonia that eventually killed them’ (Citing Hadley, P, 1995).

Sources

Brad Goode & Associates, 2011; Hadley, Heritage Council of Western Australia <a href="http://inherit.stateheritage.wa.gov.au/Public/Inventory/Details/87a012e8-522e-47ad-b4a6-bc7a3dc03184">http://inherit.stateheritage.wa.gov.au/Public/Inventory/Details/87a012e8-522e-47ad-b4a6-bc7a3dc03184</a>

Police_District

Bridgetown

Sources

C Mustons Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

521

Victim_Dead

8

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djabwurrung or Gai wurrung

Narrative

According to Ian Clark, 'In either April or May 1840, Mustons station near Mount Rouse, and leased by Peter Aylward and Augustine Barton', was alleged to have been 'attacked' by 300 Aboriginal people who took a number of Aylward's sheep to the other side of the Serra Range. 'In June, Aylward took his revenge in an act of reprisal in which seven Aborigines were killed and many others wounded‘ (Clark 1995, p. 66). RW Knowles, Robert Martin's overseer at Mount Sturgeon station, was a perpetrator in the massacre as was Robert Tulloh from nearby Bochara Station at the junction of the Wannon River and Grangeburn Creek. On 27 June 1841, Tulloh told Chief Protector GA Robinson that he was one of eight horsemen in the party (Robinson cited in Clark 1998b, p. 284). The group not only included Aylward and Knowles, but also stockman George Robinson. Historian Jan Critchett (1990) examined the depositions each of the men gave on different days on different properties to produce this account: '[They] came across a large party of Aborigines... Aylward estimated the Aborigines to number nearly 300, Knowles [or Knolles] more than 150, Tulloh about 500... The Europeans, on horseback, fired on them and then retreated... As soon as the three men had reloaded their guns, they charged again with the Aborigines fleeing before them. The "engagement" lasted a quarter of an hour' (p. 124). Aylward reported that 'there must have been a great many wounded, and several killed ... saw two or three dead bodies'. Knowles reported: 'Some of the Natives must have been wounded, but I saw none dead' (Aylward and Knowles cited in Critchett, 1990, pp. 124-5).

Sources

Clark ID 1995, p 66; Clark ID 1998b, pp 284, 305; Critchett 1990, pp 124-125. See also: Christie, 1979, pp 61-62.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Victoria Valley

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

522

Victim_Dead

13

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djabwurrung

Narrative

Following an earlier massacre in the Grampians (see the 'Grampians' massacre), on 28 August 1840 ‘the Aborigines drove off nearly 1,300 of Wedge’s sheep in the care of Colin Isaacs’ (Clark, 1995, p 157). A ‘hunting party’, comprising Charles and Henry Wedge, Joseph Read, Thomas Grant, William Marsh, John Cox and R.W. Knowles, recovered the sheep in the present day Victoria Valley and then killed 13 Aborigines (Orton Papers 12 January 1841, Orton Papers 1840-1842, ML A1715). When Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright took depositions from the killers and presented them to James Croke, the Crown Prosecutor, Croke 'formed the opinion that the Aborigines had perpetrated the "outrages" and ought to be punished. He considered the killings were in self-defence.’ (Croke cited in Clark, 1995, p 157). <br> In a letter to Governor Latrobe, Charles Wedge wrote, "I, with my brothers, removed our stock to the country at the foot of the Grampians, now known as the Grange, on the creeks forming the river Wannon in the Australia Felix of Major Sir Thomas Mitchell... Up to this time we had but little trouble with the aborigines, but they now began to attack our shepherds, whom they drove from their flocks, which they took into the mountains known as the Victoria Range, where they disposed of many hundreds of them by killing, maiming by breaking three of their legs, and otherwise mutilating them in a cruel manner to prevent their escape, and resisting (their numbers giving them confidence) recovery. At this time they also killed a valuable horse and cow belonging to me, and drove away the whole of my milking cattle and working bullocks, some of which returned with spears in them ; and these depredations did not cease till many lives were sacrificed, and, I may say, many thousands of sheep destroyed." (Bride, 1899, p 163)

Sources

Bride, 1899, p 163 <a href="https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf">https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf</a>; Clark ID, 1995, pp 156-158 <a href="http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf ">http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf </a>; Orton, 12 January 1841; 1840-1842. See also: Shaw, 1996, p 130; <i>HRA</i> Series I vol 21, p242 <a href="https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XXI_October_1840-March_1842_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300288">https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XXI_October_1840-March_1842_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300288</a>.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Cattle Chosen, Busselton (1)

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1034

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wardandi

Narrative

The Bussell family of four brothers John, Joseph Vernon, Alfred and Charles were early colonists in 1831 in the town named after them – Busselton. Conflict started between the Bussells and the Noongar Wardandi traditional owners and escalated over the next four years, as increasingly severe tactics were used to stop the Wardandi from visiting their farms. They shot at ‘intruders’, made a wooden cannon to fire at them and took hostages, on one occasion holding a ‘little girl’, and another four women and a child (Shann, 1978, pp 98, 106). On 23 June 1837, a calf went missing. Allegedly Gaywal and Kenny had speared it. In retaliation on 28 June 1837, Henry Chapman and his brother, Alfred Bussell, an unnamed Corporal, a man named Moloney and Elijah Dawson went to Yulijoogarup and were involved in a massacre in which at least nine of the tribe were shot down. Brothers Vernon and Alfred Bussell later ‘went down to the estuary, and saw that the natives had been afraid to return and bury their dead.' (Shann, 1978) 'In a letter to John Bussell in England, Charles wrote that "the war with the natives had been properly conducted", and was pleased that no European had died, although the family had been reprimanded by the WA government for taking the law into their own hands.' (Allbrook, 2014, pp 150-151).

Sources

Allbrook, 2014, <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10">https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10</a>; Jennings, 1983; Shann, 1978 <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7">https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7</a>

Police_District

Busselton

Sources

C Boney Point, Gippsland

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

523

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gunnai or Tatungalung or Braiakaulung

Narrative

In October 1840, according to Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 18, squatter Angus McMillan 'brought down cattle from Numblamungie to the stock run at Nuntin' in Gippsland. 'He left his men in charge there and on his return some weeks later they told him that the Kurnai had scattered the stock and attacked them. McMillan gathered his stockmen together, and massacred any Kurnai' [possibly Gunnai or Tatungalung or Braiakaulung speakers] at Boney Point on the confluence of the Avon and Perry Rivers. When GA Robinson traveled through this area on 2 June 1844, he saw an Aboriginal cranium on the shore of Lake Wellington just below the entry of the Avon River into the lake (Robinson in Clark, 1998d, p 89). In a letter to Lieutenant-Governor La Trobe on August 25, 1853, McMillan acknowledged that two attacks by Aboriginal warriors on his stockmen had taken place in October and November 1840 but did not reveal the aftermath (Sayers, 1983, p 218). In 2001 historian PD Gardner considered that at least 15-20 Aborigines were killed in a massacre in reprisal for the Aboriginal killing of two stockmen (Gardner, 2001, pp 44-49).

Sources

Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 18; Sayers, 1983, p 218; Gardner, 2001, pp 44-49.

Police_District

Melbourne

Sources

C Cattle Chosen, Busselton (2)

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

1035

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wardandi

Narrative

On 30 July 1837, Wardandi Noongar people were heard shouting on the nearby estuary. Bessie Bussell reported in a day-by-day diary entry (cited in Shann 1978, p 19) : ‘Everyone immediately armed themselves, and in a little while we heard the firing of guns. After two hours' absence, they returned amidst crowds of natives. I fear more women were slain than men. All our little party returned safely. All was intended to be right, so I hope this skirmish will turn out for the best. Three women, one man, one boy are known to be dead, but more are supposed to be dying.'

Sources

Allbrook, 2014 <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10">https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10</a>; Jennings, 1983; Shann, 1978 <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7">https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7</a>. See Also: Carmody, 2021<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-17/wonnerup-minninup-massacre-the-ghosts-are-not-silent/100458938">https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-17/wonnerup-minninup-massacre-the-ghosts-are-not-silent/100458938</a>

Police_District

Busselton

Sources

C Connell's Ford

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

524

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Nundadjali or Wulluwwurrung

Narrative

In November 1840, squatter Augustine Barton reported to Superintendent La Trobe that earlier that month, Thomas Connell, a hut keeper at the Henty Brothers’ station at the junction of the Wannon and Glenelg Rivers, had fed damper laced with arsenic to 15 or 17 Bunganditj [Nundadjali or Wulluwwurrung] Aborigines, and that many of them had died. Barton said that the Aborigines had told him that 'Connell had divided the damper among the Aborigines who were visiting the station and that soon afterwards, the blacks were seized with violent pains in the stomach accompanied by retching' before they died (Enclosure in La Trobe to Robinson 27 November 1840, GA Robinson Papers, Vol. 54). When news of the poisoning reached La Trobe in Melbourne, the Hentys sent Connell to Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania). On 3 June 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson called in at nearby Tahara station and the lessee, George Winter, gave him the names of seven Aboriginal people said to have died from poison administered by one of Henty's employees (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 250). In 1960, ER Trangmar, in his book, The Aborigines of Far Western Victoria, constructed a detailed account of the incident: ‘A man named Connell, an outside overseer, was employed by the Henty brothers. He had a hut on the hill above the ford named after him. He got his rations delivered by dray once a month from the homestead. The blacks used to wait until he was out on the run and then rob his hut, particularly stealing his flour, which they learned how to use. Connell got very annoyed with the constant raiding so he mixed arsenic with half the flour and hid the other half. When he came home in the evening he found the poisoned flour had gone and blacks were dead by the dozen. They had mixed the flour on pieces of bark and partly cooked it in little cakes on the coals and had ravenously eaten it. A raging thirst was created, the natives went to the river to drink and tumbled head first into the stream, they were thus drowned as well as poisoned. It is stated that no graves were made, the bodies were put into the river. Connell hurriedly left the district and was never heard of again in these parts’ (p 5).

Sources

G A Robinson Papers, Vol. 54 ML A7052; Trangmar, 1960, p 5; Clark, 1998b, pp 249-250. See also: Shaw, 1996, pp 130-131; Clark 1995, pp 28-29 and 33.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Christmas Creek 'Wangkatjungka'

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1036

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Nyikena

Narrative

In January 1930 witnesses had come forward saying that in late 1927 Albert ‘Bert’ Smith and Jim Robinson had caught, shot and incinerated seven Aboriginal men on Christmas Creek Pastoral station in the Kimberley (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Smith was the station manager at Christmas Creek Pastoral Station (260 miles inland from Derby). Smith, a notoriously violent man, and Robinson visited an Aboriginal camp a few kilometres from his homestead and took captive six Aboriginal people (and neck chained them), their names being Comet, Jagabadger aka Jacaticia, Lalvert, Bagga, Maanda and Jolgoo. On that night after being marched eight miles they were chained to the fork of a tree so high up they had to stand all night on toes (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). The next day – after a 10 mile trek - they were again chained high up to trees. Comet was subsequently let go but the other five were never heard of again (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Three days later Smith and Robinson did the same thing with two named ‘Nyella aka Skinny’ and ‘Cheetan’ (who were chained to a verandah post of the blacksmiths). They went out with them on the chain and returned to their station without them (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Newspaper reports suggested the missing men ‘slipped off the face of the earth. They simply vanished’ (<i>The Truth</i>, January 19, 1930, p 1). Depositions taken from workers on Christmas Creek through a very thorough investigation by Detective Bert Flanagan tell a different story. The men had allegedly been spearing cattle on the station, so Smith and Robinson murdered them (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Detective Flanagan interviewed 15 Aboriginal witnesses who all asserted the same story. Bert Smith (armed with a revolver and rifle) caught five men then another two chained them to a fork in the tree for two nights with the chain so high they could not sit down. One witness said ‘they choke’ (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Then the Aboriginal wives were ordered to collect light wood while Smith and Robinson collected large logs. One witness was ordered to fill flour bags with charcoal and tins with kerosene. Every witness said ‘I saw them go out I never saw them come back I think they finished’ (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Another witness could trace the Aboriginal tracks to a burn site but there were no tracks out. ‘We been then looking for whitefellow track and see the track of toe and heel and boots been standing on grass close to where the fire had been.’ ‘I been hearing long time before this Bert Smith been shoot em boys before…’ one said (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929). Police had enough evidence to charge him, not for murder as no bodies could be found, but for eight counts of assault. However, when the case went to court, on 25 March 1930, there was only one charge that was heard - the abuse of one man, Comet. Smith had no legal representation, simply denied everything and had five white witnesses who testified they had never seen anything untoward at the station. The jury deliberated for 10 minutes and returned a ‘not guilty’ verdict. The Crown prosecution subsequently withdrew the other seven charges of assault and Smith walked free (SROWA WAPD, Acc 4431/1929).

Sources

‘Alleged shooting of Natives by Bert Smith at Derby,’ WAPD, Acc 4431/1929, SROWA; Bohemia and McGregor, 1992, pp 26-40; <i>Truth</i>, January 19, 1930, p 1 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/210493943/22684256">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/210493943/22684256</a>

Police_District

West Kimberley

Sources

C Burrumbeep Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

525

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

1

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Pirtpirtwurrung

Narrative

In July 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson, on a tour of the Western District, heard that in November 1840, the hutkeeper employed by Horatio Spencer Wills, lessee of Lexington, La Rose and Moekpilly Stations, was killed by three Aboriginal men in revenge for killing a Wurrung or Jardwadjali [Pirtpirtwurrung speakers?] Aboriginal man and an Aboriginal woman. Wills, William Kirk, lessee at Burrumbeep station, and the overseer, Andrew Rutter, then attacked the Aboriginal camp and 'shot two women who had infants... the latter were left without milk' (Robinson, 29 July, 1841, cited in Clark, 1998b, p 336). At about the same time, Wills, AT Thompson, Capt. RH Bunbury and Capt. R Briggs, the lessees of other nearby stations, shot another three Aboriginal men and two women. Another report by Assistant Protector ES Parker suggests that a further three Aboriginal men were also shot by three other employees at Kirk's station. In all ten Aboriginal people were killed by squatters in this region at this time. It is possible that all three incidents were part of the same killing spree to disperse Aboriginal people from the station (Clark, 1995, pp 73, 77).

Sources

Clark ID, 1995, pp 73 and 77; Clark ID, 1998b, pp 335-336.

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Laverton (1)

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1037

Victim_Dead

8

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Aboriginal People

LanguageGroup

Wongai

Narrative

Described in newspaper articles as 'tribal fights' between rival groups and was part of many years of intergroup 'Bush warfare' in the Laverton area. See Laverton Massacre 1910 (<i>Mt Leonora Miner</i>, 14 November 1908, p 2).

Sources

'Murderous Niggers,' <i>Mt Leonora Miner</i>, November 14, 1908, p 2 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/233209588/25216102">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/233209588/25216102</a>

Police_District

Laverton

Sources

C Butchers Creek, Gippsland

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

526

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung

Narrative

According to Gippsland historian Peter Gardner, after 'the Kurnai speared cattle on the Avon River,' in 1841, a reprisal party of 12 armed settlers pursued them on horseback and after 'crossing the Mitchell, Nicholson and Tambo Rivers,' eventually trapped them at Butchers Creek, a small inlet of Lake Victoria just to the east of Metung, where they were slaughtered. The details of the massacre were later provided by Colin McLaren, one of the killers. The other killers 'were Angus McMillan, Dr Arbuckle, Tom Macalister, Colin Macalister, McDonald, Bath, Conners, Lawrence, Gilbert and at least two Omeo Aborigines.' According to Gardner, 'This list is by no means exhaustive, it being possible that Ronald Macalister was also an early participant' (Gardner, 2001, pp 49-52).

Sources

Gardner, 2001, pp 49-52; Gardner, 2010, pp 3 and 9 <a href="https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/A-Grampians-Massacre.pdf">https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/A-Grampians-Massacre.pdf</a>.

Police_District

Melbourne

Sources

C Laverton (2)

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1038

Victim_Dead

11

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Aboriginal People

LanguageGroup

Wongai

Narrative

Newspaper articles attribute this massacre to ongoing 'inter-tribal' fights that had been occurring for several years around Laverton (see Laverton Massacre 1908) between who they described as the 'Laverton natives' and the 'Darlot Natives' (<i>Laverton and Beria Mercury</i>, September 24, 1910, p 3; <i>Clarence and Richmond Examiner</i>, September 22, 1910, p 6).

Sources

'The Massacre of Aborigines,' <i>Laverton and Beria Mercury</i>, September 24, 1910, p 3 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/203551976/22573788">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/203551976/22573788</a>; 'The Native massacre,' <i>Clarence and Richmond Examiner</i>, September 22, 1910, p 6 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/61528019/5428156" >https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/61528019/5428156</a>

Police_District

Laverton

Sources

C Mount Sturgeon Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

527

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djabwurrung

Narrative

On July 6, 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson was informed by Robert W Knowles, the manager of Dr Robert Martin’s Mount Sturgeon Station at the Wannon River, of a 'clash' with the Aborigines. 'Knowles said that he lost some cattle a short time since and went after them. He came to a blacks' camp' and although they told him that the bullocks had gone on, 'he nevertheless rode into the camp and they threw spears at him and his stock keeper' (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 305). Knowles was convinced they had his bullock. Robinson wrote: 'This attacking the camp of the natives under the pretence of looking after stolen property is a system that ought not to be tolerated, it is provoking hostility and would not be allowed in civilised society' (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 305). The following day, Knowles told Robinson that 'sometime earlier, Superintendent La Trobe had intended to gaol him for 'killing natives' (Knowles cited in Clark 1998b, p 306).

Sources

Clark ID, 1998b, pp 305-306.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Woodlands

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

528

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Knenknenwurrung

Narrative

John Francis, manager of WJT Clarke’s run at Woodlands, 'is said to have shot six or seven Aborigines there in June or July 1841; Clarke later wrote that the Aborigines had been “defiant” and had killed numbers of his sheep, “destroying them wantonly and slaughtering them for their support”'. But as historian AGL Shaw points out, 'Francis was a man who often had trouble with Aborigines, and as he was later killed by a white shepherd, it is possible he was hot-tempered and ''defiant" himself.' (Shaw, 1996, p 130) WJT Clarke later said “a number of blacks, I am sorry to say, were shot”. (Shaw, 1996, p 134) Critchett lists the names of seven Aborigines who were shot by Francis.

Sources

Shaw, 1996, pp 130 and 134; Critchett, 1990, p 248.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Calvert Downs

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

1040

Victim_Dead

60

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garawa, Mara, Yanyuwa

Narrative

The following are extracts from Letter to Mattie [Martha Earle McCracken (1811-1893)] from her brother Robert [Bob] McCracken of Calvert Downs Station, via Burketown, 1 September 1885: (1) responding to her concern that he should have cause to use pistols, he wrote: 'You have very little notion of what an exciting time a person has here to preserve his own life to say nothing of the cold lead he has to fire away in the endeavour. Of course no one ever troubles about the effect of said lead, each side buries their own and heals the wounded.' (p 3) and (2) 'Then, still more seeing the necessity for having thieves to catch thieves he [Charles Fraser Gardiner, the owner of the station] was continually talking of the matter and when he went away was going to bring some back with him but the “Myalls” in the meantime, finding we were unable to (without Black assistance, and having none) hunt them down became quite cheeky killing cattle and horses within a few miles of the camp and even getting on adjacent rocky hills and shouting and gesticulating defiance at us. Killing odd ones or even twos or threes is no good, they are never missed and nothing but wholesale slaughter will do any good. For instance some time ago one team was on the road and at night was camped with another team having about 40 horses in all. In the night the Blacks attacked the horses wounding three of ours and killing three of the other peoples. The damage was discovered at daylight in the morning and as soon as our horses could be saddled their tracks were followed from where they had cut up the horses, through the wet grass, about 8 miles to their camp on a lagoon. There were five rifles and a Blackfellow with a knife and tomahawk and the result was out of a possible 200, 90 killed and wounded in the camp besides what wounded escaped. That Black with the Tommy was a perfect artist, equal to any two guns in the quantity he polished off…' (pp 5-6).

Sources

Letter to Mattie, 1/9/1885, Robert Niall/Elsie Ritchie Collection; Roberts, 2009, np; Searcy, 1909, p 174.

Police_District

Borroloola

Sources

C Rufus River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

529

Victim_Dead

8

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Marrawarra

Narrative

According to Burke at al 2016, pp.151-2, 'On 16 April 1841' an 'overlanding part[y]' to Adelaide from Sydney, 'led by Henry Inman and consisting of 11 men and 5,000 sheep, was attacked on the banks of the [Murray] river "at a place 40 miles to the eastward of Lake Bonney". According to Governor Grey in a dispatch to Lord John Russell, the Secretary of state for the Colonies, "[a] body of natives from 300-400 strong ... forcibly took possession of the sheep, drays &c, and dispersed the Europeans, severely wounding two, and nearly killing another ... and this notwithstanding a strenuous resistance was offered, and at least one of the natives killed" (Grey to Russell, 29 May 1841, cited in Burke at al 2016, p. 152). According to Burke at al, 2016, p.152, in reprisal, 'a group of volunteers, including Henry Field, a member of Inman's original party, James Hawker and Field's brother, Lieutenant William George Field, offered to recover the sheep, setting out on 7 May.' On 13 May, according to Governor Grey, they 'fell in with the same party of natives, between 300 and 400 strong, who attacked them, wounding one of their number, at the same time killing one, and wounding two, of their horses. The Aborigines eventually compelled them to a hasty retreat, although not without suffering a loss from eight to ten men on their own part' (Grey to Russell 29 May 1841, cited in Burke et al 2016, p.152).

Sources

Burke et al 2016, pp. 151-2 <a href="https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf ">https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf </a>

Police_District

Adelaide

Sources

C Humbert River Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1042

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinyman, Karrangpurru, Nungali, Malngin, Wardaman, Ngaliwurru, Bilinara

Narrative

Lewis (2021, p 214) wrote that 'Brigalow Bill' Ward was speared and killed at the homestead in late 1909. "His body was thrown into the river and never recovered (Timber Creek Police Journal (TCPJ), 5-3-1910, 17-4-1910). A report in the <i>NTTG</i> (8 April 1910, p 2) related news from a correspondent at Willeroo Station: "A poor fellow known as Briglo Bill (J. J. Ward) was murdered by blacks here some time ago. He has been missing in this district for nearly six months, and then the blacks report his murder. I think the police might interest themselves more than they do, especially in this district. The blacks do not fear the police out here in any way, and thousands of cattle are killed by these useless brutes annually.” A court report (<i>NTTG</i>, 16 September 1910, p 3) noted the trial of two Aboriginal people for Ward's murder: "As in previous case, the crime was apparently an unprovoked and cold-blooded business, chiefly concocted by a lubra named Judy and a native known as Gordon. As a preliminary to the murder the deceased man's only firearm was cunningly stolen by the lubra Judy, and by her handed to her fellow conspirator, Gordon, leaving their intended victim practically at their mercy. A number of natives—including the prisoners Mudgella and Wolgorora—surrounded Ward as he was engaged in burning off grass near his hut, and chasing the doomed man speared him near the door of his house as they would do a kangaroo. After a patient hearing, the Jury returned a verdict of guilty, with a recommendation to mercy, against both the prisoners, upon whom His Honor then passed the death sentence." According to the police account of the hunt for his murderers at least one Aboriginal person, Gordon, was shot dead (TCPJ 26-6-1910). However, local knowledge suggests the death toll was higher. Charlie Shultz (pers comm) heard from old-time VRD locals that "a great many were shot." Rose quoted Tim Yilngayarri of Yarralin (p 122): "And you know that Brigalow? Right. Brigalow was doing wrong. He was shooting all the people. Shoot-i-i-n-n-n-g, get all the sing girls for married. Take them down to his place. Just the young girl, and some of the middle aged, all that girl. Four fellow… Watchin him that waaay, get the towel and soap…Too late. That spear killed him. Bbbbb. Strike him la water. Right. All the boys go back, take the women. And sugar, tea, flour, all the blanket, fly, take the whole lot."

Sources

Lewis, 2021, p 214 <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/10070/836453">https://hdl.handle.net/10070/836453</a>; Rose, 1991, pp 119-129; <i>NTTG</i> 8 April 1910, p 2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3265599">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3265599</a>; <i>NTTG</i> 16 September 1910, p 3 <a href=" http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3266106">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3266106</a>; SEE ALSO Read & Read, 1991, pp 29-32 and Olney Justice Howard (1989) Kidman Springs/Jasper Gorge Land Claim, Report No 30, AGPS, Canberra.

Police_District

Victoria River

Sources

C Tarrone Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

531

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

1

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Koornkopanoot or Bi:gwurrung

Narrative

Prior to the poisoning, 300 Aboriginal people lead by Purtkeun, one of five Yowen gundidj clan leaders, raided Tarrone Station. Dr James Kilgour of Tarrone Station mustered 40 colonists from neighboring runs and attacked a camp, killing three or four Yowen or Tarrone gundidj people (Clark, 1995 p 43). According to Ian Clark (1995, pp 43-44): 'In October 1842, Dr John Watton, medical officer who had charge of the Mt Rouse protectorate station, investigated a case of alleged poisoning at James Kilgour's station’ at Tarrone, 19 kilometres north of Port Fairy. Three Aboriginal men, three women and three children died from poisoning. Watton reported to Chief Protector GA Robinson, that 'it appears that the then overseer, Mr Robinson had sent away into the bush to some natives ... a quantity of what was supposed to be flour. Of this they partook, and were immediately seized with burning pains in the stomach, vomiting, sinking of the abdomen and intense thirst (which are the symptoms usually produced by arsenic); on the following morning three men, three women and three children were dead' (Watton cited in Clark, 1995, p 44). ‘The bodies were burned, and Watton could not find any white witnesses. Despite the fact that Watton established that [overseer] Robinson had received a large quantity of arsenic just before the incident, there was not enough proof to convict Robinson or his associates’ (Clark, 1995, p 44). 'On March 17, 1843, Superintendent La Trobe informed the Colonial Secretary in Sydney of the reported poisoning at Kilgour's station, noting that attempts to discover the responsible parties had proved ineffective’ (La Trobe cited in Clark 1995, pp 44-45). GA Robinson recorded in his diary on 29 August 1842 that Kilgour lost his licence for reporting false information concerning the Aborigines (Clark, 1998c, p 89).

Sources

Clark ID, 1995, pp 43-55; Clark, 1998c, p 89.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Tyndale, Clarence River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1043

Victim_Dead

20

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0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bundjalung

Narrative

According to Mc Swan and Switzer 2006, p.17, Bundjalung people 'were purportedly wiped out in a massacre on the south side of the Clarence River near Tyndale.'

Sources

Mc Swan and Switzer 2006, p.17

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Lubra Creek, Caramut Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

532

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gai wurrung or Djabwurrung

Narrative

‘Caramut Station had been occupied by Thomas Osbrey and Sidney Smith in November 1841’ (Clark, 1995, p 35). On the evening of 24 February 1842, settlers Arthur D Boursiquot, and Robert Whitehead and employees John Beswicke, Joseph Betts, Richard Hill and Charles Smith, shot and killed six people from two Aboriginal families asleep 'in a clump of tea-tree beside a small tributary of Mustons Creek.' Two survivors who sought refuge at the Mt Rouse Aboriginal station, 25 kilometres from Osbrey's station reported the horrible event to Assistant Protector Charles Sievewright who immediately rode to Caramut station 'where he found the bodies of three women, (one who was pregnant), and a male child, and a fourth woman severely wounded' who subsequently died. After examining the bodies Sievewright allowed Pinchingannock to cremate the bodies. No one at Caramut would speak about the massacre, even though Sievewright offered 50 pounds reward for information and Governor Gipps quickly followed up with 100 pounds reward. On 15 May 1843, Christopher McGuinness a witness to the massacre went to Melbourne and told the whole story to Chief Protector of the Aborigines, GA Robinson. The perpetrators were arrested and charged and brought to trial but escaped conviction (Clark, 1995, pp 35-42). Historian Michael Christie (1979, p 50) believes the massacre was premeditated, and carried out to relieve the boredom of a summer evening.

Sources

Clark, ID, 1995, pp 35-42; Clark, 1998c, p 171 (Robinson Journal, 12 May 1843); Christie, 1979, p 50. See also: BPP 1844, p 234; Thomas Papers, ML Item 21; Robinson Papers, vol. 57, p 46, ms ML A 7078; Critchett, 1990, pp 118-119 and 250; <i>Port Phillip Gazette</i>, August 2, 1843 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article225011583">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article225011583</a>.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Gordon Brook Station, Clarence River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1044

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bundjalung

Narrative

In early November1842, a group of Bundjulung people stole a flock of sheep at an outstation of Gordon Brook Station on the Clarence River, owned by Messrs Sandeman and Company. In reprisal the overseer led some stockmen to the Bundjulung camp and killed 20 of them. The massacre was reported in the Sydney Morning Herald, 12 November 1842, p.2. On 14 December 1842, Gordon Sandeman published a letter in the Sydney Morning Herald, p.3, denying the massacre and his overseer's involvement. This is another case of the code of silence being imposed in the aftermath of a frontier massacre.

Sources

Sydney Morning Herald, 23 November 1842, p.2; 14 December 1842, p.3.

Police_District

Clarence

Sources

C Eumerella

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

533

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

2

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung

Narrative

On August 18, 1842 at Eumerella Station, Port Fairy, Western District, after 2 raids by more than 150 Aboriginal people a party of Colonists found and attacked the raiding party. '...on the 7th ultimo [August] a party of blacks, headed by Jupiter [Tarerer] and Cocknose [Tykoohe]...attacked my shepherd and drove off a flock of sheep...my superintendent and several of the men...went in pursuit of the marauders, and after a severe skirmish succeeded in recovering the property. On the 10th, the shepherds were again attacked by upwards of 150 blacks... a party of the blacks took possession of the sheep and the remainder attacked the shepherds who were in a position of great danger, but being well armed, they were...able to keep their assailants at bay until assistance arrived, when the blacks made off, and the men obtained repossessed of the sheep. On the 18th the blacks again attacked the shepherds...and drove of 1,014 sheep...a party went out to recover the sheep, and they described the road as strewed with dead carcasses. About eight miles [20 kms] off the station they came up with the blacks, and it was not until they had overcome a vigorous resistance, during which three of the blacks were shot, and several others wounded, that they succeeded in recovering the remainder of the sheep, 511 having been killed or destroyed.' (BPP 1844, p 234; Hunter cited in Critchett, 1990, p 108). Carried out by employees of James Hunter. Historian Jan Critchett considers that on this occasion several Aboriginal people were wounded and later died (Critchett, 1990, p 250).

Sources

BPP 1844, p 234; Critchett, 1990, pp 107-108 and 250.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Coniston (3)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1045

Victim_Dead

31

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Warlpiri

Narrative

At Kurundi, following the 2 preceding massacre expeditions from Coniston, the third expedition also led by Constable George Murray went up the Hanson River early in October 1928, killing people at Circle Well and Baxter's Well. Bowman (2015, p 90) records the story told by Sonny Curtis Jappanangka: "All the bad things had been happening at Jarra Jarra, Hanson River way, before I was born. People been driven away by the murderers, they came to Dad, frightened. They run away and some stopped at Greenwood [Station] and some kept going to Tennant Creek. Dad said, ‘Go into that yard, they won’t shoot you here.’ And then he told them to move on, in case something else worse might happen. They went through Hatches Creek. Dad’s father was there too. He was a policeman, and so Dad went with them. Dad didn’t like the idea, but he went with his dad. The police and all, one lady, Kitty Napangardi, showed the police trackers where to go. They used that lady, to show the police where the Aboriginal camps were. They dressed her up like a man, haircut like a man. She was from Barrow Creek side. It was cruel that the people used her. They collected my old man at Greenwood and they travelled to Hatches Creek, police and all. Dad was driving the packhorses and somewhere through, Kurundi Station, he was telling me, some of our people were cutting sugarbag by the side of the road, mind their own business hunting. My old man looked over and saw people, and told the woman, ‘Don’t tell them they are there.’ But she did, she went up the front and told the police – and they shot the poor buggers. They were killing anybody, they weren’t looking for people that did the damage over there. They were killing anyone, the government people were. Old people who lived along the Hanson Creek, they were happy, then after the shooting they scattered. But I tell you right now, today even, people are still living in the fear. They are not sure of white people, no trust for them still today. People are not sure what is going to happen. You wonder why our young people are getting stuck into grog – it is to calm their fear, which is the real truth." (Bowman 2015, p.90) Murray said that he killed 31 people. (Bradley 2019, p.121). the number is estimated at 40.

Sources

Bowman 2015, p 90; Bradley 2019, p121.

Group

21

Police_District

Barrow Creek

Sources

C Hollands Landing, Gippsland

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

535

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung

Narrative

According to an account sent to Gippsland historian Peter Gardner by settler Ray Scott, a massacre of Kurnai people took place at Hollands Landing in late 1842, when they congregated at the site and were fired at by a cannon from a ship anchored nearby. Years later, Scott's grandfather met some Aboriginal survivors who told him of the incident. Following the killing of two shepherds at Lindenow station, 'an organised and co-ordinated drive' was organised by the owners of Lindenow, involving 'a boat with one of the <i>Clonmel</i> cannon mounted in its bow, and was probably manned by men from the Strathfieldsaye run...those driving across the land, on the west from Strathfieldsaye and the north and east from Lindenow, no doubt were directed by the "notorious" Frederick Taylor.' Carried out by Angus McMillan; John McLennan, overseer at Hart Run; one of the Loughnan brothers at Lindenow run; William Pearson, squatter of Kilmany Park; John Reeve, squatter of Snake Ridge; Captain Orr of Orr's Survey near Port Albert; RB Sheridan, overseer for William Odell Raymond.

Sources

Gardner, 2016; Dunderdale, 1973.

Police_District

Melbourne

Sources

C Abner Range, Malakoff Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1047

Victim_Dead

64

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garawa

Narrative

According to Roberts (Roberts, 2009, np) six years after the Lenehan murder and reprisal massacres, in 1892, a massacre occurred on top of the Abner Range, 100km from where Lenehan had been killed, where a party of 22 went after about '70 or 80 fleeing Aboriginals'. The fleeing group went to the top of the Abner Range, thinking the horses would not be able to reach the top. The horsemen did find a way to the top and followed the tracks left behind to an Aboriginal camp. Roberts wrote: 'The men, in pairs, formed a half-circle around the sleeping camp – some of them as close as 20 metres. On the far side of the camp was a sheer, 150-metre drop. The numerous small fires were evidence of a large number of people. Curtis said he would fire first, as soon as it was light enough to see. Shooting sleeping victims at first light was a standard method. Exhausted, the occupants of the camp slept soundly. But, at times, according to Gaunt, “we could hear a piccanninny cry and the lubra crooning to it”. When it was finally light enough to see, an Aboriginal man sat up and stretched his arms. “Smith fired and the police boy with me fired at the sitting Abo. The black bounced off the ground and fell over into the fire, stone dead. Then pandemonium started. Blacks were rushing to all points only to be driven back with a deadly fire…One big Abo, over six feet, rushed toward the boy and I. I dropped him in his tracks with a well-directed shot. Later on, when we went through the camp to count the dead and despatch the wounded, I walked over to this big Abo and was astonished to find, instead of a buck, that it was a splendidly built young lubra about, I should judge, sixteen or eighteen years of age. The bullet had struck her on the bridge of the nose and penetrated to the brain. She never knew what hit her…When the melee was over, we counted fifty-two dead and mortally wounded. For mercy’s sake, we despatched the wounded. Twelve more we found at the foot of the cliff fearfully mangled.” Below the cliff was the head of a creek, which Tom Lynott named Malakoff Creek, after a bloody battle during the siege of Sevastopol in the Crimean War. When a camp was attacked in daylight, the whites were usually mounted and, unless the country was open and flat, it was often possible for a number of occupants to escape. In some cases, they watched in horror, unseen, as whites dispatched the wounded. Adults and children received a bullet to the brain, while babies – whether injured or not – were held by the ankles “just like goanna”, their skulls smashed against trees or rocks. A crying baby left behind when Garrwa people fled a camp on the Robinson River was thrown onto the hot coals of a cooking fire, still crying' (Roberts, 2009, np).

Sources

<a href="https://www.themonthly.com.au/issue/2009/november/1330478364/tony-roberts/brutal-truth#mtr">Roberts, 2009, np</a>. SEE ALSO O'Brien & Adams 1999; <i>NTTG</i>, April 24, 1886 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3159378">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3159378</a>; Costello, 1930, pp 164, 167; <i>Northern Standard</i>, October 16, 1931, <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article48050361">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article48050361</a>; May 29, 1934 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article49494183">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article49494183</a> and June 1, 1934 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article49494267">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article49494267</a> p 508 & p 517; Bottoms, 2013.

Police_District

Borroloola

Sources

C Lower Wearyan River

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1048

Victim_Dead

40

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garawa, Yanuywa, Gudanji

Narrative

Roberts (2005, p 198) wrote: “Old Lhawulhawu went on to describe a major massacre there [Manangoora on the lower Wearyan River], possibly by the same people responsible for the one on McPherson Creek. ‘Then the white men went to Mangoora and it was at this time where the Garrwa people, the Gudanji people and the Yanuwa people had come together for ceremonies. Some white people asked about bullocks. They hit people and they shot people and then left. The Yanyuwa, Garrwa and Gudanji people had been there for a Wambuyungu (funeral) ceremony. After the white people did this the people went south and hid themselves inside caves. The white people followed their tracks and saw the smoke of their fires and they heard the small children crying. Those white people found those people and they stood them up in a line and shot them, they shot them repeatedly and they shot all the old people inside that cave. They shot them until they were all dead. This was because of a milking cow. It was not like this at Borroloola; the white man did not shoot people there’.”

Sources

Roberts, 2005, p 198.

Police_District

Palmerston (Darwin)

Sources

C Warrigal Creek Waterhole, Gippsland

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

537

Victim_Dead

75

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Brataualung

Narrative

In early July 1843, Donald Macalister, the nephew of squatter Lachlan Macalister, was killed by Brataualang Aborigines, near Port Albert in Gippsland. According to GA Robinson, who first heard of Macalister's killing from Crown Lands Commissioner Charles Tyers on 9 May 1844, he 'was alone it seems and on horseback and supposed riding serenely along and either the blacks took him by surprise or he must have been parleying with them at the time it happened. He had a brace of pistols in his holster, [when] his body was found. He was on his way to the Port [Albert] with cattle and [a short] way on ahead' (Robinson 19 May 1844, in Clark 1998d, p.70). Robinson later found that Aboriginal people were regularly shot and killed by a cluster of men at the old town of Port Albert and that Macalister was killed in reprisal (Clark 1998d, p.99, p.110). According to Gippsland historian Peter D Gardner, Macalister's death was at least the fifth killing of a colonist in Gippsland within 12 months (Gardner 2001, p.53). According to historian Michael Cannon, when news of Macalister's death became known, Angus McMillan, Lachlan Macalister's former overseer, formed an avenging party of 20 horsemen, known as 'The Highland Brigade' and was 'sworn to secrecy' (Cannon, 1990, p 170-1) . The clearest account of the events that followed is provided by Willy Hoddinott, also known as 'Gippslander' and published in <i>The Gap</i> magazine in 1925 and 1940: 'The brigade coming up to the blacks camped around the Waterhole at Warrigal Creek surrounded them and fired into them, killing a great number, some escaped into the scrub, others jumped into the waterhole, and, as fast as they put their heads up for breath, they were shot until the water was red with blood. I knew two blacks, who though wounded came out of the hole alive. One was a boy at the time about 12 or 14 years old. He was hit in the eye by a slug, captured by the whites, and made to lead the 'Brigade' from one camp to another' (quoted by Gardner 2001, p. 55). McMillan used 'a double-barrelled Purdy, a beautiful and reliable weapon, which in its time had done great execution', (Dunderdale, 1973, p 225). McMillan showed Robinson his gun on 5 June 1844. It had ' seven barralls (sic): all go off at once' (Clark 1998d, p.94). Hoddinott initially claimed that 60 Aborigines were shot but later claimed to have spoken to two survivors and revised up the estimate to 150 blacks shot: 'as fast as they put their heads up for breath, they were shot until the water was red with blood. Everyman who could find a gun or a horse went after the blacks, and came up with them around a large waterhole which was surrounded by the whites. They killed the blacks as long as their ammunition lasted [some say about half an hour]. Many escaped into the bush. Others sought cover in the waterhole, but often, as one raised his head for breath, he was shot. More than a hundred blacks were killed' (Hoddinott in Bartrop, 2004, p 201). In reviewing every known account of the massacre in 2001, Gippsland historian Peter Gardner considers that the Highland Brigade went on a rampage through the district, possibly over five days, killing Kurnai people at four different locations. He considers they killed about 75 Kurnai at Warrigal Creek Waterhole and a further 25 at the mouth of the Warrigal Creek where it empties into Smith Lake, and then shot 25 more at Freshwater Creek and a further 25 at Gammon Creek. In all about 150 Kurnai were slaughtered. Human remains have been found at each of these sites on several occasions.

Sources

Dunderdale, 1973, p.225; Pepper and de Aurugo, 1985, p.24; Cannon, 1990, p.171; Shaw,1996, p.133; Clark, 1998d, p.70, p. 99, p.110; Gardner, 2001, pp 53-61; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205 .

Group

3

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Warrigal Creek Mouth

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

538

Victim_Dead

25

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Brataualung

Narrative

In July 1843, Ronald Macalister, nephew of squatter Lachlan Macalister, was killed by Brataualang Aborigines, near Port Albert. According to Aboriginal Protector GA Robinson he 'was murdered after some depraved white men, had, in a fit of drunkenness, shot and killed some friendly natives' at Port Albert (Robinson, 25 June 1844, in Clark 1998d, p.110). An avenging party of 20 horsemen, known as 'The Highland Brigade' was organised by Angus McMillan, Ronald Macalister's former overseer, to look for the killers. According the Gardner, the 'Brigade' was 'sworn to secrecy' and they appear to have set out on a five day rampage attacking four Aboriginal campsites (Gardner, 2001, pp 53-7). In reviewing every known account of the rampage Gippsland historian Peter Gardner considers Warrigal Creek Mouth was the second campsite where 25 Aboriginal people were killed and that human remains have been found at the site on several occasions (Gardner, 2001, pp 53-57).

Sources

Clark 1998d, p. 110; Gardner, 2001, pp 47-61. See also Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 24; Cannon, 1990, p 171; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-206.

Group

3

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Collins Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1050

Victim_Dead

53

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinman, Bilinara

Narrative

Following the spearing death of Police Trooper Joe Collins at the Behn River in July 1893, in which at least 23 Aboriginal people were killed, Lewis (2021, p 528) wrote: 'There was another slaughter of Aborigines on or near Waterloo after the spearing of Constable Collins in 1893...Not satisfied with the killing of 23, a large party of police and bushmen went out again to arrest or disperse other Aborigines in the region. Over the next two months they travelled 678 miles and shot another 30 men.'

Sources

Lewis, 2021, p 528.

Group

24

Police_District

Victoria River

Sources

C Freshwater Creek, Gippsland

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

539

Victim_Dead

25

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Brataualung

Narrative

In July 1843, Ronald Macalister, nephew of squatter Lachlan Macalister, was killed by Brataualang Aborigines, near Port Albert. According to Chief Protector of the Aborigines, G A Robinson, who visited the region in June 1844, 'he was murdered after some depraved white men had, in a fit of drunkenness, shot and killed some friendly natives' (Robinson, 1844, cited in Gardner, 2001, pp.47-61). An avenging party of 20 horsemen, known as 'The Highland Brigade' was organised by Angus McMillan, Lachlan Macalister's former overseer, to look for the killer. The "Brigade" was 'sworn to secrecy'. After slaughtering about 75 at Warrigal Creek Waterhole and a further 25 at Warrigal Creek mouth, they then shot down another family group of 25 at Freshwater Creek, before moving on to Gammon Creek (Gardiner, 2001, p 61).

Sources

Gardner, 2001, pp 47-61. See also: Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 24; Cannon, 1990, p 171; Shaw, 1996, p 133; Bartrop, 2004, p 199-205.

Group

3

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Gammon Creek, Gippsland

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

540

Victim_Dead

25

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Brataualung

Narrative

In July 1843, Ronald Macalister, nephew of squatter Lachlan Macalister, was killed by Brataualang Aborigines, near Port Albert. An avenging party of 20 horsemen, known as 'The Highland Brigade' was organised by Angus McMillan, Lachlan Macalister's former overseer, to look for the killer. The "Brigade" was 'sworn to secrecy'. In reviewing every known account of the massacre in 2001, Peter Gardner considers that Gammon Creek was the last site in the rampage that took place over five days and that 25 Kurnai were slaughtered at Gammon Creek and human remains were later found. In all 150 Kurnai were killed in the 5 day rampage across 4 sites. (Gardner, 2001, p 59)

Sources

Gardner, 2001, pp 47-61. See also Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 24; Cannon, 1990, p 171; Shaw, 1996, p 133; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205.

Group

3

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Quamby Bluff (3)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1052

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Pallittore

Narrative

On 3 July 1827 the Pallittorre killed two shepherds assigned to settlers William Widowson and Abraham Walker at Dairy Plains, sixty kilometers west of Launceston. Corporals John Shiners and James Lingan, field constable Thomas Williams and stockmen Thomas Baker, James Cubit, Henry Smith and William White, set off in reprisal. Three years later, stock-keeper George Johnson told government agent GA Robinson that on this occasion 'the soldiers killed nine or ten' Pallittore. (Plomley, 1966, p 219 ; 2008, p 254 ) This is the third reprisal massacre carried out by Shiners and his party in an 18 day killing spree in which at least 78 Pallittore were killed. and known as the Quamby Bluff killings.

Sources

Colonial Times, 6 July 1827; Plomley, 1966, p 219; 2008, p 254.

Group

20

Police_District

Launceston

Sources

C Wattie Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1053

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gurindji

Narrative

Charola and Meakins (2016, p 69) noted that: "Deaths of women continued at least into the early twentieth century. Hobbles Danayarri of Yarralin reported to Rose that in the 1920s a group of women who lived near Daguragu refused to submit to gang rape and were shot." As the date is unclear, the date of 1923 provided here is a rough estimate based on other massacres in the area.

Sources

Charola and Meakins, 2016, p 69.

Police_District

Wave Hill

Sources

C Victoria Range

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

542

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djabwurrung or Nundadjali

Narrative

According to Clark (1995, p 160): ‘In August 1843, a large group of Aboriginal warriors attacked WJ Purbrick's Koroite station on Konongwootong Creek, adjoining present day Coleraine, and drove off 180 sheep’. Captain HEP Dana, commandant of a detachment of Native Police stationed at Mt Eckersley, ‘was notified of the alleged attack and with seven native police troopers, Dana followed the Aboriginal men into the Victoria Range’ (Clark, 1995, p 160). According to the <i>Port Phillip Gazette</i> (August 26, 1843, p. 2), in the conflict that ensued, ‘Captain Dana's troop fired simultaneously upon the savages four or five times, seven or eight of whom were shot dead on the spot, and many wounded; the remainder retreated to the scrub and it is supposed about twenty of their number have been shot in the affray’. 'About eighty sheep out of the number that had escaped being slaughtered, were driven back to the owner.' According to the same article, 'the settlers were 'in perfect ecstasies', declaring that a 'real service has been done for them' (<i>Port Phillip Gazette</i>, August 26, 1843 p 2).

Sources

<i>Port Phillip Gazette</i> August 26, 1843, p 2 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23203900">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23203900</a>; Thomas Papers, report 1 September – 1 December 1843; Clark, 1995, pp 160-161.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Victoria River District

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1054

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinyman, Karrangpurru, Nungali, Malngin, Wardaman, Ngaliwurru, Bilinara

Narrative

Citing Charlie Ward’s work, Thomas Mayor wrote of this massacre: 'Under the bough shed that day, the old men explained that they had dared not walk along the road for fear of a confrontation. For on their backs were their meagre belongings; on their hips their small children; and in their minds were memories of a massacre that occurred only forty-two years ago, in 1924—the last reported massacre on Gurindji country. On a small knoll midway between Lord Vestey’s Wave Hill Cattle Station and the police outpost at Bow Hill, peaceful Gurindji families were ambushed by mounted white men wielding rifles. An act of utter savagery ensued. An old man who survived the carnage later recalled how his people were run down and shot like dogs. He described how one or two got away, and another, who climbed a tree, was shot down in cold blood. "Warlatarrka was his name. He was Jungurra [skin]".'

Sources

Mayo, 2017, np. <a href="https://www.griffithreview.com/articles/a-dream-that-cannot-be-denied/">https://www.griffithreview.com/articles/a-dream-that-cannot-be-denied/</a>; Ward, 2016, <i>A Handful of Sand: The Gurindji Struggle, After the Walk-off</i> Monash University Publishing.

Police_District

Bow Hills

Sources

C Fitzroy River, Western District

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

543

Victim_Dead

10

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhauwurd wurrung

Narrative

While Native Police were out searching for lost sheep they killed ten Aboriginal people.

Sources

Shaw, 1996, p 132; Critchett, 1990, p 252.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Kings Canyon

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1055

Victim_Dead

10

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Luritja

Narrative

The Watarrka National Park Joint Management Plan (2010, p 14) includes this extract: 'One Traditional Owner recalls “My father told us that at one time when he was young, his father and grandfather took him into the hills behind Lilla to hide from a white man who was shooting Luritja people around Kings Canyon. The Watarrka mob were sitting down there and policemen came and shot them. Just like that. My father told me that”.'

Sources

Watarrka National Park Joint Management Plan, 2010 <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/10070/619652">https://hdl.handle.net/10070/619652</a> 

Police_District

Alice Springs

Sources

C Crawford River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

544

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhauwurd wurrung or Wulluwurrung

Narrative

In August 1843, Christopher Bassett, lessee of Bassett’s Station at the head of the Crawford River, was killed by Aboriginal people who then ‘carried off 200’ sheep (Clark, 1995, p 46). A month later, HEP Dana, Commandant of the Native Police Corps, led a detachment of native police, accompanied by squatter David Edgar of the adjoining Fitzroy River station and set off in pursuit of the alleged killers. They ‘came upon the party near the edge of the great swamp’ (Clark, 1995, p 46) while searching for Martha Ward, two year old daughter of Abraham Ward, the licensee of the Travellers' Rest Hotel in Branxholme. ‘In two separate encounters with these Aborigines, they shot at least nine’ (Clark, 1995, p 46).

Sources

Critchett, 1990, p 252; Clark, 1995, pp 46-47; Shaw, 1996, p 132.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Arafura Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1056

Victim_Dead

200

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Maung, Iwaidja

Narrative

Merlan (1978, p 87) wrote that 'When interviewed in 1957 George Conway mentioned that he had been hired to lead a hunting expedition into Arnhem Land in 1905 or 1906, and that his party had killed dozens of Aborigines.' Conway was an employee on Arafura Station owned by the Eastern & African Cold Storage Company. It was company policy to have teams of 10-14 men, led by a white man, roaming around on the station shooting Aboriginal people. Dewar (1995, p 9) corroborated this account: ‘A further attempt was made to develop a pastoral industry when Arafura Station was taken up by the African Cold Storage Supply Company in 1903 in central Arnhem Land. Arafura Station was not a commercial success (Bauer 1964, 157) and the company was liquidated in 1908. The station is remembered today for the extreme violence of its managers. Accounts have been collected from both Yolngu and non-Aboriginals who remember the massacres of Yolngu in the area (Bauer 1964, 157; Dreyfus & Dhulumburrk 1980, 19-20; Read and Read 1991, 19-24; Van der Heide 1985, 15, 16, 52, 53).’

Sources

Merlan, 1978, pp 87-88; Dewar, 1992, p 9. SEE ALSO Olney J, 2003, p 47.

Police_District

Port Darwin

Sources

C Clunie, Glenelg River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

545

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Nundadjali or Mardidjali

Narrative

Six Aborigines were shot by the Native Police in November 1843 at Clunie station on the Glenelg River. The incident followed another a few days earlier in which Ricketts shot three Aborigines in reprisal for Aboriginal attacks on livestock.

Sources

Official List of Aborigines Killed, 1836-1844, NSW Legislative Council, 'Votes & Proceedings', 1844, vol.1, pp.718-19; Critchett, 1990, p 253; Cannon, 1990, p 122; Shaw, 1996, p 132.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Bull's Head Pocket

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1057

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinman, Bilinara

Narrative

In his report on the Kidman Springs/Jasper Gorge Land Claim, Justice Howard Olney (1989, pp 18-19) found that: "Aboriginal oral traditions tell of a massacre near the claim area, in Bull’s Head Pocket near Bull’s Head Springs. According to the claimant Big Mick Kankinang, the massacre took place during the time when Townsend was manager of VRD (1904-19). A great crowd of Aboriginals had gathered in the area for purposes of ceremony and in the early hours of the morning, while they were still singing and dancing, they were surrounded by Europeans and their ‘imported’ Aboriginals, and shot. ... While evidence of these and other massacres in only rarely obtainable in European documents, the oral traditions are fully borne out by current demography." The stockmen concerned spared the lives of young women who they abducted (Rose & Lewis, 1982, p 2).

Sources

Olney H, 1989, pp 18-19; Rose, D & Lewis, D, 1982, pp 1-3; Lewis, 2021, pp 487, 495-496 and 558.

Police_District

Timber Creek

Sources

C Tambo Crossing

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

546

Victim_Dead

70

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Aboriginal People

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung or Brabralung

Narrative

The massacre was originally reported by Aboriginal Protector GA Robinson in <i>Report of a Journey of Two Thousand Two Hundred Miles to the Tribes of the Coast and Eastern Interior during the Year 1844</i>, George Mackaness published the report in 1941 (Mackaness, 1941, p 13). Ian D. Clark provided more detail of the massacre when he published GA Robinson's Journal, dated 15 June 1844, in 1998 and included the following account, 'Two miles above the crossing place up the stream is the spot where a great slaughter of Gipps Land blacks by the Omeo and Mokeallumbeets and Tinnermittum, their allies, took place: was shown the spot by [the Aboriginal guide]... Charley who was present. Saw the human bones strewed about bleached white.... Charley spoke of it with zest went through the whole scene shewed (sic) the camp of wild blacks upwards of 70 camped beside a fire. Canal of still water in bed of Tanbo (sic) 30 feet wide 500 long. Shew how the black[s] found in line, then gave yell; the point of attack; spoke of it with zest; five young women were spared but I believe killed some time after. All the old women and children were killed' (Clark, 1998d, p 102 ).

Sources

Mackaness, 1941, p 13; Clark, 1998d, p 102 (Robinson Journal,15 June 1844).

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Coomanderoo Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1058

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Manngayarri

Narrative

Coomanderoo station was taken up by Jack Frayne and Matt Wilson in September 1903. Lewis (2021, p 155) wrote: "Old Jimmy Manngayari told me of a massacre close to the homestead: 'Yeah, they bin shoot 'im, oh, big mob! They bin shoot 'im there. Right on the river. They [Aborigines] bin just have a camp, you know, 'longa, 'longside a water. Well, kadia [whiteman] was come and kill 'im first thing in the morning now. Shoot 'im. That all about, they [Aborigines] bin kill 'im ngarin, kill 'im bullock - milker got a bell. They bin kill 'im ... and they bin eat 'im. Alright – that kadia bin quieten 'im down, quieten 'im, and feed 'im up [made friends with the Aborigines]. Now after that kadia bin turn in, muster 'im [Aborigines] all about, and put 'im all in a heap – now he bin start shootin' the lot. Shoot the lot – no one bin get out. That's where the kadia bin do, early days'." Charola and Meakins (2016, pp 70-71) also wrote of this massacre, noting that Jack Frayne is implicated in the early massacres on what is now Limbunya Station: "In 1903, Frayne and Mat Wilson obtained a Pastoral Permit for the area between Stirling Creek, the West Baines and Humbert River. Frayne built a small homestead at Kunja Rockhole (Kanyjalurr) on the banks of Kunja Creek within the boundaries of Limbunya. He called the station Kunja Station. In 1920 he moved the homestead to Kumanturru (Coomonderoo Spring) which is on the edge of Pumuntu, a sandstone area now in Kildurk Station. Manngayarri people reported to Darrell Lewis that a large massacre of Malngin people occurred there. Malngin people had sought refuge at Pumuntu because they had killed a milking cow at Kumanturru near the old homestead and had cooked it downstream."

Sources

Lewis, 2021, The Victoria River District Doomsday Book, E-Books, E-Publications, PublicationNT, <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/10070/836453">https://hdl.handle.net/10070/836453</a>, p 155; Charola & Meakins, 2016, pp 70-71.

Police_District

Wave Hill

Sources

C Naracoorte Caves

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

547

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Buandig

Narrative

When settler William Brown was killed by Aborigines in the "New Country" over the South Australian border in July 1845, John Oliver and neighbours gave chase and "some" Aborigines were killed (Blair to La Trobe , 31 July 1845, cited in Critchett, 1990, p 254). According to Michael Cannon (1990, p 154), 'Many years later, James C. Hamilton, whose family worked at "Bringalbert", some distance to the north, described what happened: "A call to arms was made – the footmen going one way and the horsemen another. They were all armed with flintlock muskets and pistols of some sort – heavy, clumsy weapons they were, but effective enough. (I have put a ball into a tree at a hundred yards with one of these pistols, and used the musket successfully as a fowling piece.) It was a bad day for the ill-fated darkies. The horsemen came up with them in the ranges, behind Narracoorte, and saw one fellow carrying poor Brown's gun, and a lubra wearing his coat. They opened fire, and many of the blacks went under. They made no show of resistance, but scattered and ran for their lives" (Hamilton, cited in Cannon, 1990, pp 154-155).

Sources

Critchett, 1990, p 254; Cannon, 1990, pp 154-155.

Police_District

Adelaide

Sources

C Lake Victoria, Rufus River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1059

Victim_Dead

21

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Marrawarra

Narrative

According to a statement made by Mr Robinson, following an <a href="https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1095">encounter the previous day</a> in which 15 Aboriginal people were killed or wounded an overland expedition travelling from Gundagai to South Australia were looking for a place to cross the Rufus River. On the other side they were met by a party that had come out from Adelaide to assist them. Aboriginal scouts sent by Mr Moorhouse warned that a large group were approaching 'full of wrath'. The overland party on the east side of the river drove the large Aboriginal group into the river where '... from 30 to 40 were killed, and as many wounded; and one man, a boy, and two women, taken prisoners.' (Inquirer, August 24, 1842, p 6) According to Burke et al 2016, p.152, on 27 August 1841, an 'official party, including police, three Aboriginal people' and Aboriginal Protector, Matthew Moorhouse, arrived at Rufus River, with the view of protecting an overlanding party en route to Adelaide, led by William Robinson.' Robinson's party had been attacked 'further east on the previous day. Five Aboriginal men had been killed, and 10 wounded, but there was no loss of European life. In the hours following, Moorhouse and two others encountered a large party of Aboriginal men and women near Lake Victoria, who immediately ran towards them and a second clash ensued, despite Moorhouse's attempts to negotiate through interpreters. In the ensuing gunfire "nearly 30" Aboriginal people were killed (although at the subsequent enquiry Moorhouse acknowledged that he had only seen 21 bodies), "about 10" wounded and four captured.' Robinson was wounded. A subsequent enquiry, concluded that 'the conduct of both European parties was justifiable' (Burke et al 2016, p.153)

Sources

Burke et al, 2016, pp145-179; <i>Inquirer</i>, August 24, 1842 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199</a>

Police_District

Adelaide

Sources

C Mt Arapiles / Dyurrite

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

548

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Mardidjali

Narrative

After Aborigines had attacked Baillie's station near Mt Arapiles, the Native Police, led by Henry Dana, shot at least three and wounded many others who later died (Critchett, 1990, p 254).

Sources

Critchett, 1990, p 254.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Telegraph Point, Wilson River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1060

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Biripi

Narrative

In 1824, Mr Wilson set out in a boat with a detachment of soldiers on the Wilson River. According to Henry Wilson's memoir, provided by R Wilson, 'After leaving Prospect', (Hack's Ferry) the party 'came upon a blacks' camp [at Telegraph Point] and the natives threw spears at the men in the boat, and some of the soldiers were hurt, but not seriously. The boat was rowed over to the shore on the opposite side to the blacks, who were taught such a lesson at the hands of the party that they never forgot, and one which taught the natives to fear the men who were firing at them' (Wilson, 1941). Henry Wilson's memoir was earlier published in Port Macquarie News of Sept 14, 1889 when he was 72 years old (p8, Morris, 2005). It remains unclear whether the Mr Wilson referred to was the father of Henry Wilson, Mr William Wilson, Overseer of Public Works at Port Macquarie, or Lieutenant William Earle Bulwer Wilson who was Engineer and Inspector of Public Works. They were both in Port Macquarie at the time (pp17-28, Morris, 2005).

Sources

<i>Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer</i>, September 16, 1941, p4. <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594</a>; Morris, Graham P <i>Son of Caledon</i> Kilsyth: Graham P Morris, 2005.

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Ballangarra, Wilson River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1061

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Biripi

Narrative

In 1824, Mr Wilson took a whale boat on what is now known as the Wilson River. After the massacre of Biripi at present day Telegraph Point, the party rowed upstream to present day Ballangarra, 'where another party of blacks were encountered, and they disputed the right of these soldiers to pass. Mr Wilson and his party tried to make the natives understand what they wanted, but all to no purpose. Being loath to fire bullets at them, only as a last resort, Mr Wilson gave instructions to use small shot, but this only infuriated the blacks. However, after this encounter the tribe gave little or no trouble.' R. Wilson, 'Early Days of Port Macquarie', in <i>The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer</i>, September 16, 1941, p4. It remains unclear whether the Mr Wilson referred to was the father of Henry Wilson, Mr William Wilson, Overseer of Public Works at Port Macquarie, or Lieutenant William Earle Bulwer Wilson who was Engineer and Inspector of Public Works. They were both in Port Macquarie at the time (pp17-28, Morris, 2005).

Sources

R. Wilson, 'Early Days of Port Macquarie', in <i>The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer</i>, September 16, 1941, p4 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594</a>; Morris, Graham P Son of Caledon Kilsyth: Graham P Morris, 2005. .

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Snowy River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

550

Victim_Dead

50

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung or Krauatungalang

Narrative

In 1846, rumours reached Melbourne that a white woman, the possible survivor of a shipwreck on the Gippsland coast, had been kidnapped by Kurnai people and become the trophy of a headman, Bungalene. After the failure of an expedition led by Crown Lands Commissioner Charles Tyers, to find the white woman, two other expeditions were organised. One, a private expedition, led by Christian de Villiers and James Warman, along with six Aboriginal warriors from Westernport, and three from Gippsland and three colonists, Mr Brodie, Mr Peters and Thomas Hill, set off from Melbourne on foot in early December 1846. The other, a division of Native Police led by William Dana left headquarters at Narre Warren east of Melbourne on November 21, 1846. Historian of the Native Police, Marie Hansen Fels who provides the most detailed account of the events at the Snowy River, says that what Dana and his division did in the weeks between leaving Narre Warren and prior to the incident on 20 December is unknown (Fels 1988, p 188). The two parties met up on 15 December at Eagle Point on Lake King, where de Villiers suggested to Dana that they join forces and make the sixty miles journey to the Snowy River by water where it was believed the white woman and Bungalene were camped. But Dana refused and de Villiers and his party left that evening at 6pm (Fels 1988, p.188). Foul weather led de Villiers to split his party in two: Warman and the three colonists would wait until the weather improved and 'proceed then to the Snowy River by boat... while he pressed on overland' with the Westernport and Gippsland Aborigines (Fels 1988, p 188). On 21 December, de Villiers' party came upon Dana and his detachment of Native Police at the Snowy River at the reed beds in Lake Curlip country between Marlo and Orbost. Dana told de Villiers 'that he had surrounded several camps of natives, and taken five prisoners, an old man, and an old woman, and three children.' (Fels 1988, p 189). <br> Later the Aboriginal guides with de Villiers told him that Dana and his police had shot some of the Snowy River natives (Fels 1988, p 189). The next day the two parties separated, with Dana retracing his steps to the border police station, while de Villiers proceeded up the Snowy River, where his suspicions were alerted by the unusual sight of a large area of 'trampled reed-beds' and finding 'the dead and decomposing body of a very stout Aboriginal male, about thirty years of age,' with severe wounds to the head, leg and breast, 'which his blacks told him were gunshot wounds', inflicted by the Native Police. 'Upon his return to the Tambo River three days later, de Villiers heard from a Richard Hartnett that local Aborigines had said that Mr Dana's party had shot some blacks on the Snowy River.' (Fels 1988, p 189). James Warman, added further details regarding a carbine that he found, belonging to the Native Police, which was 'bloodied and broken, with tufts of black hair clinging to it' (Fels 1988, p 189). <br> Corporal Owen Cowan, a border policeman who accompanied Dana and the Native Police, said that on 19 December, he had 'a hand to hand struggle' with the Aborigines, and that 'he was speared in the hand, knocked to the ground and that he had lost his carbine, fired his pistol, then regained his carbine, hit his assailant over the head with it and barely escaped with his life.' (Fels 1988, p 189). He also said that 'At the time, the police force was split three ways around the islands and the lake at the mouth of the Snowy River, and he had only one trooper with him' (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). Even so, they 'rushed' an Aboriginal camp but retreated under 'a shower of spears' (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). The following night, December 20, Cowan surrounded another Aboriginal camp, 'coming upon' it at sunrise (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). But he did not say what happened next. Nor did he say whether the entire group of Native Police were involved, although Dana did say that he considered that this was the only way he could determine whether the white woman from Gippsland was with them (Fels 1988, p 190). Warman's account indicates that at least five Aboriginal people were shot ('Port Phillip Herald', February 25, 1847). Fels is not persuaded that the attack on 20 December constitutes a massacre because only one Aboriginal person was recorded killed and that the number 'became some as the story was transmitted orally, and a slaughter when it appeared in the newspapers' (Fels 1988, p 193). However, she does admit, 'It is not satisfactory now that William Dana's original report (if it existed) is missing' (Fels 1988, p 191). That the missing report did exist is demonstrated by a cover letter from Dana to Police Magistrate Lonsdale, reading, '...a copy of a report of Mr William Dana Commanding 2nd Division Native Police Gippsland respecting a collision with the natives of that District while in search of the white woman...'(Dana to Latrobe, 1847). Commissioner Tyers considered that Dana did not act with prudence and Governor Gipps questioned both Dana's authority for acting as he did and his explanation – which was 'Not satisfactory'; he acted 'with great want of discretion, to say the least of it.' (quoted in Fels 1988, p 191). <br> According to Gippsland historian Peter D. Gardner, the number killed by the native police overall was between 15 and 23 (Gardner 1983, p.72). The event was much debated in the media at the time. Sergeant R. McLelland of the native police argued that one person was killed, and that the eight bodies in a camp that he and the native police and then de Villier came across were not murdered but were being carried around in accordance with Aboriginal funeral customs (McLelland, 16 February 1847). Warman responded that he had never seen more than one deceased person in a camp at one time and suggested Sergeant McLelland explain why there might be eight (Warman, 23 February 1847). A close reading of Warman's published reports indicates that nine Aboriginal people were killed in the period 20-21 December 1846 (Warman, 1847). Twelve years after the expeditions, Crown Lands Commissioner C.J. Tyers, to whom the police involved reported, while answering questions under oath for a Select Committee of the Legislative Council on the Aborigines, stated, "At least fifty were killed by the native police and other aborigines attached to the parties in search of a white woman supposed to have been detained by the blacks, and a few by collision with the white people, from ten to fifteen years ago." (Tyers 1859, p 77)

Sources

Dana to Lonsdale (letter), 18 January 1847, correspondence 47/105 in file 47/1394, VPRS19/P0000/Box 94; Editor, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, 18 February, 1847, <a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470218&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470218&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a>; McLelland, <i>Port Philip Patriot</i>, 16 February 1847 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/22217009">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/22217009</a>; Tyers, 1859 in Report of the Select Committee of the Legislative Council on The Aborigines 1858-9, <a href="https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/docs/digitised_collections/remove/92768.pdf">https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/docs/digitised_collections/remove/92768.pdf</a>; de Villiers letters, <i>Port Phillip Patriot</i> 22 January 1847 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/226351370">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/226351370</a>; de Villiers, 13 February 1847, ‘Gipps Land Expedition’, <i>Port Phillip Patriot</i> <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226350982">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226350982</a>; de Villiers, 16 February 1847, ‘Gipps Land Expedition’, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, <a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470216&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470216&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a> Warman, 21 January, 1847, ‘To the Editor of the Port Phillip Herald’, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, <A href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470121&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470121&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a>; Warman, 22 January, 1847, ‘Gipps Land Expedition’, <i>Port Phillip Patriot</i>, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226351382; Warman, 23 February, 1847, ‘To the Editor of the Port Phillip Herald’, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, <a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470223&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470223&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a>; Warman, 25 February, 1847, ‘Gipps Land Expedition’, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, <a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470225&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470225&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a>; Warman, 2 March, 1847, ‘Gipps Land Expedition’, <i>Port Phillip Herald</i>, <a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470302&printsec=frontpage&hl=en">https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470302&printsec=frontpage&hl=en</a>; Christie, 1979; Fels 1988, pp 170-192; Fels, 1986; Gardner 1993, p 133; Meyrick, 1939; A.G.L. Shaw, 1996; Shaw, 1989;

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Blackmans Point, Port Macquarie

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1062

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Biripi

Narrative

In late 1825, according to H L Wilson, the first superintendent of works at the penal settlement at Port Macquarie, 'three men were sent to ... Blackman's Point to split shingles, and two were killed by the blacks. When the survivor reached the camp and related the circumstances, a party of Buffs (soldiers from the 4th Regiment) was sent out to chastise the blacks, and right well was the work carried out. The soldiers surrounded the aborigines, and shot a great many of them; they also captured a lot of women, used them for an immoral purpose, and then shot them. The offending soldiers were sent to Sydney for trial, but managed to escape punishment.' (H L Wilson, 'Early Days at Port Macquarie', 1889. np.)

Sources

Henry Lewis Wilson, 'Early Days at Port Macquarie', 1889, republished by T Dick, <i>The Port Macquarie News and Hastings River Advocate</i>, Feb 5, 1921, p4 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/112735677">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/112735677</a>

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Mt Napier

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

552

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wulluwurrung or Djabwurrung or Gai wurrung

Narrative

According to Ian Clark (1995, p 82), following 'the killing of a shepherd named Edwards' at Allen’s station near Mt Napier in July 1847, a 'hunting party' of colonists went out on a reprisal mission. They ‘came upon’ a group camped at Cole's outstation, some of whom were alleged to have been 'wearing clothing that belonged to Edwards.' The party called on 'them to surrender and then fired, purportedly in self-defence. As a consequence, at least two Aborigines were shot' (Clark, 1995, p 82) and others were wounded. According to A. Broughton, the historian of the Mills Family in the Western District, 'a group of settlers guided by a half-civilised Aborigine [Souwester] are purported to have launched a surprise attack on a camp of Aboriginal people at [Mt Napier], a favourite Aboriginal base, killing more than 30 people and sparing not even babies' (Broughton, 1980, p 32). Dr John Watton, the medical officer in charge of Mt Rouse Aboriginal station said that the party 'acted under a magistrate’s warrant and they say they fired in self-defence' (Robinson cited in Clark, 1995, p 82). However, when historian James Bonwick visited the station about a decade later, he found that 'John Cox [Cole] organized a hunting party, including an Aboriginal man, Souwester, [and] though few in number, mustered in rifles and pistols about fifty shots' and that 'the unsuspecting Aborigines were interrupted at their breakfast' and 'more than thirty are said to have been thus laid low.' (Bonwick, 1970b pp 170-171.) Further research indicates that Mt Eccles and Mt Napier are the same incident and the actual site is possibly located at Buckley Swamp on the eastern side of Mt Napier.

Sources

Bonwick, 1970b, pp 170-171; Broughton, 1980, p 32; Clark ID, 1995, p 82.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Gordon Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1064

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinyman, Karrangpurru, Nungali, Malngin, Wardaman, Ngaliwurru, Bilinara

Narrative

Mounted Constable William Willshire, who was notorious for killing Aboriginal people, wrote the following account alluding to the massacre of a group of people and the capture of young women (1896, p 47), 'A civilised blackboy belonging to a Justice of the Peace in the Lower Victoria district was murdered by the wild natives of the Gregory River. I started out from Gordon Creek with the native police to arrest the offenders if possible. On arriving in the locality the first thing we observed was a beautiful savage maiden, who in her startled movements was a graceful as a stag. She ran screaming through the gnarled overhanging branches to escape capture and warn the male portion of our advent. But let me inform my readers that this untutored beauty was too late. The black trackers were on the spot before she could give warning by her screams. She had only seen me in the first place; the auxiliaries were in ambush, and closer to her than I was. When all was over my boys brought her and some others to our camp.'

Sources

Willshire, <i>Land of the Dawning</i>, 1896, p 47.

Police_District

Gordon Creek

Sources

C Beveridge Island

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

553

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wemba Wemba or Wadi Wadi

Narrative

According to Michael Cannon (1990, p 231), in June/July 1848, 'ugly rumours began to spread that up to twenty natives had been poisoned on the Beveridge family's run between today's Swan Hill and Piangil. The original information came from a shearer on the Murray, who, according to Assistant Protector Parker, “stated in a neighbouring wool shed that a Mr Beveridge had ‘settled’ the blacks by leaving a quantity of poisoned flour in their way, and that numbers had been killed by it”' (Parker cited in Cannon 1990, p 231). ‘Parker despatched some of his Station blacks to the junction of the Loddon and Murray to “make enquiries”. They returned with almost identical information from blacks on Edward Curr's and Archibald Campbell's runs: “they were informed that seven or eight natives had been destroyed”' (Cannon, 1990, p 230). 'The story fitted fairly precisely with rumours heard by Dr James Horsburgh at Goulburn River Aboriginal Station. …Parker was commissioned to obtain further evidence if he could. In February 1849 he was told by natives from Lake Bael Bael that "a number of the blacks of Tarrkgoondeet tribe [the ‘reed-spear tribe’ of the lower Murray] have been poisoned some months since by white men at a place called Bapparrinok”' (Parker cited in Cannon, 1990, p 230-231). When La Trobe pressed for more 'information to the Bench of Magistrates at Moulamein, north-east of Swan Hill, on the Sydney side of the Murray River, Patrick Brougham JP, replied that he "certainly some months ago heard a report of the same [alleged poisoning], but took no notice of it, as groundless rumours have frequently been spread of natives having been killed"'(Brougham cited in Cannon, 1990, p 231).

Sources

Cannon, 1990, pp 230-231.

Police_District

Murray

Sources

C Victoria River (1)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1065

Victim_Dead

10

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinyman, Karrangpurru, Nungali, Malngin, Wardaman, Ngaliwurru, Bilinara

Narrative

Mounted Constable Willshire (1896, p 61) wrote: 'We were flanked on either side by great walls of stone, and the bucks will fight like demons when there is no "get away". Then we all rose to show ourselves, and there was a furious stampede of powerfully built niggers, some climbing the cliffs, some running back to us with spears, some diving in the water, several climbing into the rocky fissures, and the women and children huddling together in a cave, the rude interior of which fairly glowed with girlish beauty. The imagination cannot conceive the terrors of that dreadful time. Language is not equal to the task of expressing the abject fear of the tribe, especially if it must flow from the pen and be taken from the writer’s limited vocabulary. <i>Honi soit qui mal y pense</i> [evil be to those who evil think].'

Sources

Willshire, 1896, p 61.

Police_District

Gordon Creek

Sources

C The Slaughterhouse

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

554

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tatungalung or Brabralung

Narrative

'Kurnai people were surprised' by a party of stockmen 'while feasting on the banks of the lagoon' behind the rugged limestone outcrop called Pyramids. I [Macleod] killed a bullock for them and they ate until they were sick.' (MacLeod cited in Gardner, 2001, pp 76-78) Then stockmen and Aborigines from outside the region trapped them against a bluff, and 15-20 were shot and killed and the bodies 'thrown in the river at a spot where the river flows under the hill' (Armstrong cited in Gardner, 2001, p 80). It would appear that this massacre occurred before the Brodribb River massacre and was a closely guarded secret. Gippsland historian Peter Gardner suggests that it is possible that an Aboriginal youth, possibly Charlie Hammond, survived the massacre.

Sources

Gardner, 2001, pp 76-82, 84-85; Broome, 2005, p 81.

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Kidman Knob

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1066

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinman, Bilinara

Narrative

In his report on the Kidman Springs/Jasper Gorge Land Claim, Justice Howard Olney (1989, pp 18-19), based on Aboriginal evidence, was told that during Townsend's time as manager of Victoria River Downs station, a massacre of Aboriginal people took place at Kidman's Knob. 'While evidence of these and other massacres is only rarely obtainable in European documents, the oral traditions are fully borne out by current demography.' The stockmen concerned spared the lives of young women who they abducted (Rose & Lewis, 1982, p 2).

Sources

Olney H, 1989, pp 18-19; Rose, D & Lewis, D, 1982, pp 1-3; Lewis, 2021, pp 487, 495-496 and 558.

Police_District

Timber Creek

Sources

C Milly, Brodribb River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

555

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Krauatungalang

Narrative

On 2 May 1851, station cook Dan Moylan at Macleod's station at Orbost abducted a young girl from the Krauatungalang people, tied her up and over the following three days, raped her. Her people tried to rescue her but Moylan kept them at bay with his gun and the hot coals he scattered around the outside of the hut. Eventually they killed Moylan with spears, rescued the girl and burnt down his hut. News of Moylan's killing quickly spread through the white community. According to Pepper and De Araugo, (1985, pp 99-101) the settlers took the law into their own hands, and with the assistance of Aboriginal warriors from the Mitchell River, tracked Moylan's killers to Milly Creek where it runs into the Brodribb River. There they 'cleaned up the tribe' but two boys including Harry Darramungie were lucky to get away and others swam the Snowy River to Lake Watt Watt. However the settlers followed them to Buchan where more white men joined the party and eventually found their prey camped near The Pyramids. They then drove the Aboriginal people over the cliffs to the Murrindal River below and their remains are believed to lie at the base of Limestone Cliff.

Sources

Pepper and De Araugo, 1985, pp 99-101; Gardner, 2001, pp 82-85; Broome, 2005, p 81.

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Sturt Creek

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1067

Victim_Dead

26

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngarinman, Bilinara, Pililuna

Narrative

Darrell Lewis (2021, p 140) wrote: "While managing Sturt Creek station in the 1920s or 1930s some desert blacks threw spears into his [Wayson Byers'] camp. He escaped unscathed and in the morning he tracked the blacks into the desert. He caught up with them and, in his own words, ‘evened the score’. It may have been this event that caused him to ‘disappear’ into the desert… This story was confirmed and expanded during the Tanami land claim hearing in late 1990 when elderly Aboriginal men told the hearing that several of their named relations had been shot by ‘Wayzshen Pile’. An old Territory cattleman, Dick Scobie, former owner of Hidden Valley station and friend of Byers, said that Byers told him of this incident and that he had shot twenty-six blacks at Sturt Creek... Given the relative absence of hiding places on the generally flat and open desert plain, the mobility afforded by horses and the virtual certainty that Byers had modern repeating firearms, a massacre of twenty-six Aborigines would be quite possible."

Sources

Lewis, D 2021, p 140.

Police_District

Timber Creek

Sources

C Murderers Flat, Darlot's Creek, Lake Condah Mission

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

556

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhauwurd wurrung

Narrative

According to Ian Clark, 'this massacre is significant in that knowledge of it has survived through Aboriginal oral history.' Reconstructing from these oral records, Clark believes the incident happened in the early 1850s at a site 'known to the Kerup gundidj (more commonly known as the Kerreupjmara) as Murderers Flat,' or Darlot's Creek, Lake Condah Mission (Clark, 1995, p 52). Aboriginal woman Rose Donker nee Lovett (Donker, 1985, p 18, cited in Clark, 1995, p 52) has recounted what she knows of the massacre: '"My grandmother was Hannah MacDonald [later Lovett]. When she was small she walked with her brother Alfred and her mother from Macarthur to Condah Swamp. My grandmother was carried on her mother's back. They were looking for some place to live. They came to the Condah Swamp and there they found other Aboriginal people and families living there. There was a massacre there and they hid with their mother in the reeds until the fighting was over and then they headed off looking for somewhere safe. We were always told that Murderers Flat was where the fighting was. They were taken in and lived on the Condah Mission. I then understood they lived there as children, then as time went on they grew up there"' (Donker, 1985, p 18 cited in Clark, 1995, p 52). According to Clark, 'In Jo Sharrock's reminiscences of Lake Condah (see Savill, 1976, cited in Clark, 1995, p 52), he refers to "Harelip" Johnny Dutton, who claimed to have been one of the few survivors of the "Murdering Waterhole Massacre" as a small boy. He hid in the water among the reeds' (Savill, 1976 cited in Clark, 1995, p 52) As both accounts refer to hiding in the reeds in the same area, they most likely are two accounts of the same incident.

Sources

Clark ID, 1995, p 52.

Police_District

Portland

Sources

C Mount Sonder

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1068

Victim_Dead

17

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Arrernte

Narrative

Mounted Constable Erwein Wurmbrand and trackers Dick, Jemmy, Tommy, Charley and two settlers, William Craigie and James Norman, went to Glen Helen station in response to complaints about the attempted murder of three Glen Helen employees, Messrs McDonald, Schleicher and Miller. At Hermannsberg mission station, three suspects were taken into custody, chained by the neck. En route back to Glen Helen they allegedly tried to escape, Wurmbrand reporting that the ‘prisoners are dead’. The party continued on to Mount Sonder where four Aboriginal men were shot dead. No arrests were made. Camps were destroyed. Wilson (2000, p 273) wrote that 'The party then returned to Alice Springs where Wurmbrand made much of the shortage of rations that caused him to abandon the patrol rather than the deaths of his suspects. Another interpretation has been put on these deaths. H.J. Schmiechen tells how a missionary from Hermannsburg, Schwarz, hearing that the men had been shot, searched for and located the bodies still in their chains. Schwarz argued that "this made the troopers excuse that they [the Aborigines] were attempting an escape seem highly inadequate for the severe action he had taken."' Roberts (2005, p 113) wrote: 'On another occasion, Wurmbrand claimed that he shot one man and wounded others at the foot of Mount Sonder, but a station hand who was with him told the missionaries that seventeen Aboriginals had been shot dead.' Traynor (2016, p 122) wrote, 'So his [Willshire’s] newly arrived replacement Erwein Wurmbrand rode out to Glen Helen on 12 November with two white men, William Craig and James Norman, and four black trackers. James McDonald and Theodor Schleicher from the station joined them. Wurmbrand seized four Aboriginal men at Hermannsburg on 1 December but released one when the missionaries vouched for him. He chained the other three by the neck and took them up the Finke where he and his men shot them. He went on to pursue other suspects and reported shooting four more near Mount Sonder.' And Kimber (1990, p 15) made this observation, 'When one considers all of the official reports, independent accounts and strongly circumstantial evidence of punitive expeditions which occurred in 1884-1885 in Anmatjera territory, the early Aboriginal success in their attack on Anna's Reservoir was certainly but a pyrrhic victory. I find no reason to disbelieve Spencer and Gillen's observation that as a result of this initially successful attack the Anmatjera were "nearly wiped out."' Traynor (2016, p 123-24) noted that William 'Bill' Benstead of the Willowrie Pastoral Company and a stockman named Lennon joined Wumbrand, each corroborating the figure of 17.

Sources

Nettelbeck, 2004, pp 190-206; Nettelbeck & Foster, 2007, pp 34-35; Wilson, 2000, p 273; Roberts, 2005, p 113; Traynor, 2016, p 122, 123-24; Kimber, 1990, p 15.

Police_District

Alice Springs

Sources

C Massacre Waterfalls, Dunganminnie

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1069

Victim_Dead

22

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garawa, Yanuywa, Gudanji

Narrative

Following the spearing death of Ted Lenehan in April 1886, and the reprisals that followed, there was an attack on the McArthur River head station by Aboriginal people. Tom Lynnott, with Tommy Campbell, went out in reprisal and headed for Dunganminnie Spring in the Abner Range. Tony Roberts (2005, p 181) explained: "Along the steep western face of the Abner Range a narrow, almost hidden, opening leads through the cliffs into a small gorge and spring at the base of a series of falls, known as Massacre Waterfalls. There is one entrance and no exit." Quoting Traine, he wrote: "The blacks were camped around the spring when their pursuers reached the top of the cliff in the early hours of the morning…When daylight came, the natives were all killed with the exception of a little girl who was brought back to the Station and taken charge of by the wife of the Resident Magistrate who was stationed at Borroloola a few years later." Quoting Hill: "Cliff Lynott, Tom’s brother, now in a lonely grave on the Roper, telling the story in after years said that they counted the dead only in Dunganminnie. There were twenty-two." Quoting Morcom: "Charley Havey did tell me the reason [for] the name of Massacre Waterfalls, and even now up in the gorge can be seen skulls and bones bearing grim evidence of the awful slaughter enacted there." And quoting an unnamed Gudanji man: "There was a mob of Aboriginals camping here [at Dunganminnie] in the old times, poor buggers…They into them and shot them all. They shot at the whole mob. Some fellas got out, some got up the steep cliffs. The water hole was all blood—girls and boys, old women and men were shot."

Sources

Roberts, 2005, pp 180-181.

Group

19

Police_District

Roper River

Sources

C Apsley, Western Wimmera

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

558

Victim_Dead

18

Attacker_Dead

2

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Jandwadjali

Narrative

In a letter dated 5 December 1854 by James Dixon from Keilor Station, Victoria, to S Wilson of Surrey Lane, Battersea Surrey, England, Dixon, wrote: that he had been stationed 300 miles 'in the Country from Melbourne' where there were 'plenty of black natives. They are very treacherous. We had a great battle with them a month ago, their [sic] was eighteen killed and two of our men. They throws [sic] spears that penetrate right through you which is verry [sic] dangerous.'

Sources

James Dixon to S. Wilson 5 Dec 1854. Private letter held by Brook Andrew.

Police_District

Wimmera

Sources

C Massacre Inlet, Gulf Country

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1070

Victim_Dead

30

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0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Nyangga

Narrative

This massacre survives as oral history in the Borroloola region in the NT. 'Massacre Inlet' was named because Aboriginal people were rounded up, herded into an inlet and shot. The name of the inlet is well known to the people of the Gulf country. The <i>Garawa Land and Sea Country Plan</i>, p 7 states, 'In the mid-1800s, European explorers, stockmen, drovers and pastoralists began to pass through our country using our tracks and rivers as stock routes. Our country was well suited to grazing cattle and by 1874 permanent pastoral occupation had been established. Much of their settlement on country was not done peacefully. As more settlers came it became harder for us to access the places we visited for food and water. Our Elders were chased away and even shot at and killed. We called this time is [sic] our history Wabulinji (‘Wild Time’) and is especially painful as our people struggled and died fighting to stay on country and keep their families alive.' The history of the Burke Shire (Queensland Places, nd) carries this account: 'Further west along the unsealed Doomadgee road is the Hells Gate roadhouse for tourists and travellers. The name is a reminder of the pass through the Constance Range where travellers in the 1870s faced Aboriginal attack. Massacre Inlet, north of Hells Gate, marks the place where European settlers from the Westmoreland homestead slaughtered nearly all the Ngyanga Aborigines in 1884 in reprisal for an attack.' Massacre Inlet is marked on 1936 and 1945 pastoral maps of Northern Australia.

Sources

<i>Garawa Land and Sea Country Plan</i> p 7 <a href="https://www.clcac.com.au/sites/default/files/downloads/clcac_garawa_land_sea_country_plan_web_version_50dpi.pdf">https://www.clcac.com.au/sites/default/files/downloads/clcac_garawa_land_sea_country_plan_web_version_50dpi.pdf</a>; Queensland Places, Burke Shire: <a href="https://queenslandplaces.com.au/burke-shire">https://queenslandplaces.com.au/burke-shire</a>; Personal communication (E Webber to R Smith, 5 Dec 2021); <a href="https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-229930404/view">https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-229930404/view</a> and <a href="https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-410786254/view">https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-410786254/view</a>.

Police_District

Burketown

Sources

C King River, above Oxley Plains (Wangaratta)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

559

Victim_Dead

200

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

Narrative

According to James Howard, aged 83 in 1883, he was a shepherd on George Faithfull's run at Oxley Plains in 1841 when the 'blacks played sad havoc with Faithfull's cattle and sheep, whereupon the stockmen, shepherds, and hut keepers turned out, mounted and armed, to the number of about 18, fell upon the blacks in camp on the bank of the King above Oxley, and massacred them. About 200 were killed on the spot, and others were pursued miles up the river, until all, with one or two exceptions, were exterminated.' (<i>Argus</i>, September 13, 1883, p 9) Howard said there were about 300 Aboriginal people in all. Howard relayed the incident to a journalist from the <i>Argus</i> in 1883. Howard's evidence corroborates and provides more detail of the massacre provided by George Faithfull in a letter to Lieutenant Governor La Trobe on 8 September 1853: 'Riding with two of my stockmen one day quietly along the banks of the river itself by a narrow neck of land, and, after proceeding about half a mile, we were all at once met by some hundreds of painted warriors with the most dreadful yells I ever heard. Had they sprung from the regions below we could have hardly been more taken by surprise. Our horses bounded and neighed with fear - old brutes, which in other respects required an immense deal of persuasion in the way of spurs to make them go along. Our first impulse was to retreat, but we found the narrow way blocked up by natives two and three deep, and we were at once saluted with a shower of spears. My horse bounded and fell into an immense hole. A spear just then passed over the pummel of my saddle. This was the signal for a general onset. The natives rushed on us like furies, with shouts and savage yells; it was not time for delay. I ordered my men to take deliberate aim, and to fire only with certainty of destruction to the individual aimed at. Unfortunately, the first shot from one of my men's carbines did not take effect; in a moment, we were surrounded on all sides by the savages boldly coming up to us. It was my time now to endeavour to repel them. I fired my double-barrel right and left, and two of the most forward fell; this stopped the impetuosity of their career. I had time to reload, and the war thus begun continued from about ten o'clock in the morning until four o'clock in the afternoon. We were slow to fire, which prolonged the battle, and 60 rounds were fired, and I trust and believe that many of the warriors bit the dust' (Faithfull cited in Sayers, 1969, p 220). It is hard to believe that three armed colonists could have held off such a large group of Aboriginal people for six hours and escape being wounded. Faithfull's account is more like a coverup and Howard's account is more believable in that the massacre was a well planned event in reprisal for the loss of sheep and not an accidental encounter as George Faithfull states.

Sources

Sayers, 1969, p 220-221; <i>Argus,</i> September 13, 1883, p 9 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11828136">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11828136</a>

Police_District

Murray

Sources

C Darkie Point, Ebor

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1071

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Baanbay

Narrative

According to Indigenous historian, Callum Clayton-Dixon, 'Following the killing of several colonists in the Bald Hills area', of the New England Tableland in August 1852, a group of Aboriginal people were chased to the edge of a sheer bluff south of Ebor and were either shot or pushed over the edge' of Darkie Point, 'probably both. Constable Michael Clogher and Major Edward Parke were two of the main perpetrators.' (Clayton-Dixon 2019, p.138)

Sources

Clayton-Dixon 2019.

Police_District

Armidale

Sources

C LaTrobe Valley

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

560

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Aboriginal People

LanguageGroup

unknown

Narrative

This incident was a massacre of Aboriginal people carried out by another Aboriginal group armed with muskets. The account was provided by J.M. Clow in 'Letters from Victorian Pioneers', 'After four days' march through the barren mountains which separate Western Port district from Gippsland, then on the fifth day sighted the smoke of some fires on the skirts of the beautiful pastoral district there. On the following day, about mid-day, they surprised the camp, making prisoners of all in it, which consisted only of some old men and some children. They then went in search of the able-bodied men whom they espied busily fishing on the banks of a large river not far off. They managed to sneak up on them within ten or twenty yards, and then blazed into them, killing and severely wounding every one of them, seven in number. Those who escaped the first volley jumped into the river and swam across, but the second volley brought them all down. After cutting out their kidney fat, they took as much of the carcasses as they could carry on their return route, and having mustered their forces at the camp where they had captured the old men and their children, they dispatched them also, and then commenced their retreat' (Clow cited in Bride, 1983, p 359).

Sources

Bride, [1898] 1983, p 359; Gunson, 1968, p 8.

Police_District

Gippsland

Sources

C Gum Creek Lagoon, Murrumbidgee River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1072

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wiradjuri

Narrative

According to the reminiscences of Overlander James R. Byrne, in August, 1839, his party shot three Wiradjuri warriors after one stockman was badly wounded on the northern side of the Murrumbidgee River. Byrne and his party decided 'to intercept the aborigines and cut them off from the river.' After the first attempt failed, a second attempt was more successful. Five stockmen drove the Wiradjuri towards the river and another six stockmen lying in ambush, 'fired as the natives appeared and then rode down upon them with cutlasses' (Byrne 1848, 2, p 231). After they killed nine Wiradjuri warriors, 'they allowed the rest to escape across the river' (Byrne 1848, vol 2, p 255).

Sources

Byrne 1848, vol 2, pp 230-2.

Police_District

Goulburn

Sources

C Hawkesbury (1)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

561

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bediagal

Narrative

This incident is the first recorded frontier massacre in Australia. According to David Collins (Collins in Fletcher 1975, p 326), ‘At the Hawkesbury, … a settler there and his servant were nearly murdered in their sleep by some natives from the woods, who stole upon them with such secrecy, as to wound and overpower them before they could procure assistance. The servant was so much hurt by them with spears and clubs, as to be in danger of losing his life. A few days after this circumstance, a body of natives having attacked the settlers, and carried off all their clothes and provisions, and whatever else they could lay their hands on, the sufferers [on 1 September 1795] collected what arms they could, and following them, seven or eight of the plunderers were killed on the spot.’ (Collins in Fletcher 1975, Vol.1, p 326) Historian Ian Turbet notes that this ‘was the largest recorded number of Aborigines killed in a single encounter since the arrival of the First Fleet’ (Turbet, 2011, p 81). According to historian Stephen Gapps, Parramatta magistrate Richard Atkins also recorded the massacre, and said that six Bediagal were killed (Gapps 2018, p.109).

Sources

Fletcher [Collins] 1975, Vol.1, p 326; Turbet 2011, p 81; Gapps 2018, p.109.

Police_District

Parramatta

Sources

C Murdering Island, Narrandera

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1073

Victim_Dead

70

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wiradjuri

Narrative

According to an article in the <i>Labor Daily</i>, 1 Jan 1926, p 8, the death of Mr Jeremiah Rodgers was noted. 'He was one of the first residents in this [Narrandera] district, having been brought here with his brother Henry, 73 years ago [1853]. His father took charge of Brewarrina Station, and he managed the holding for 20 years... The pastoralists at that time experienced trouble from the blacks, who used to spear the cattle. So troublesome were they that the whites determined to deal with them in a summary manner. The whites drove the natives on to an island below Buckingbong and wrought such havoc in their ranks that the Island is even now known as "Murdering Island". It is estimated that 70 Aboriginal people were killed.

Sources

<i>Labor Daily</i>, January 1, 1926, p 8 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/239865993">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/239865993</a>

Police_District

Goulburn

Sources

C Hawkesbury (2)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

562

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bediagal

Narrative

Following an alleged killing of two settlers by Bediagal people in May 1795, Capt Paterson of the NSW Corps despatched two subalterns and 66 soldiers to the Hawkesbury with orders to, ‘drive the natives to a distance’ and, in the hope of striking terror, 'to erect gibbets in different places, whereon the bodies of all they might kill were to be hung.’ (Collins in Fletcher 1975, p 348) According to military historian John Connor, 'on their arrival the detachment forced an Aboriginal boy to reveal the location of a Darug group, probably members of the Bediagal. That night the soldiers made contact with the Darug in the forest not far from the farms. The roar of muskets filled the night air, followed by the screams of the wounded and dying. The soldiers saw seven or eight of the [Bediagal] fall down in the undergrowth, but when they went out next morning to find the bodies and string them up they found that the [Bediagal] had carried away their comrades’ bodies during the night.’ (Connor 2002, p 38)

Sources

Collin in Fletcher 1975, p 348-9; Connor 2002, p 38.

Police_District

Parramatta

Sources

C Keep River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1074

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Miriwoong and Gajirrabeng

Narrative

Argyle Station stockman, sly grog dealer and seller of Aboriginal women Richard (Rudolph) Augustus Pilchowski was fatally speared as he camped alone at Eight Mile Creek near Cockatoo Spring [this was possibly Woorrilbel or Cockatoo Lagoon now located in the Keep River National Park] on the NT-WA border in June or July 1913 (Lewis, 2021, pp 5-6). A punitive reprisal expedition was mounted, stockman JRB Love noting that “There are now enough men out to catch half the blacks in the Territory, but they have let the blacks get a fortnight’s start, which does not look very smart police work” (Lewis, 2021, p 7). The police party, comprised of Constable McKillian, Constable Carr, Special Constables M Prior, N Durack and A Martin as well as a Mr McDonough, went “east of the Keep River”. Constable McKillian’s official report, dated July 1913, is silent on the matter of Aborigines killed (Lewis, 2021, pp 7-9). However, “Durack did not find any official records to indicate that any Aborigines were shot by the police party, but she cites a letter written by a local stockman, Roy Phillips, who suggests that this was the case: ‘You will be glad to hear that Philchowski [sic] was amply avenged, though I would not say anything about it if I were you.' (Durack, 1983; 290)” (Lewis, 2021, p 9). An Aboriginal man, Jellibine, was found guilty and sentenced to death for Pilchowski's murder (Northern Times, 27 December 1913, p 3).

Sources

Lewis, 2021, pp 5-9; <i?>Northern Times</i> (Carnarvon), 27 December 1913, p 3.

Police_District

Wyndham, WA

Sources

C Yarramundi, Hawkesbury River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

563

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bediagal/Dharug

Narrative

According to the 'Sydney Gazette', 5 May 1805, p.3, on the previous Sunday 28 April 1805, 'several groups [of Aboriginal people] were assaulted near the Mountains, among whom Yaragowhy, Charley and four or five others are said to have fallen.' On page 1 of the same edition of the 'Sydney Gazette', Acting Secretary G Blaxcell stated that Governor King was distributing detachments from the New South Wales Corp in response to murders by the 'natives' among the out-settlements, that settlers were required to assist each other in repelling visits by the natives, and that any settler harbouring a 'native' would be prosecuted. On 12 May 1805, further information about the pursuit and the massacre appeared in the 'Sydney Gazette' and about Yaragowhy in particular, who was well known among the Hawkesbury settlers. According to historian Stephen Gapps the number killed in the massacre 'may have been higher than seven or eight' (Gapps, 2018, p 173).

Sources

<i>Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser</i> May 5, 1805 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/626753/6111">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/626753/6111</a> and May 12, 1805 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/6115">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/6115</a>; Gapps 2018, p 173.

Police_District

Green Hills (Windsor)

Sources

C Walker Creek, Gulf Country, QLD

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1075

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

Narrative

Following an Aboriginal attack on the town of Normanton during the 1883 wet season in which rations, clothes, cutlery, fowls, a carbine and ammunition 'and a dozen new white shirts were stolen', a detachment of native police led by Sub-Inspector Walter Jones set off in pursuit a few weeks later. Three days later, the detachment returned with some of the stolen property 'and satisfactory tidings that the mob had been too thoroughly dispersed to trouble Normanton again this season' (Brisbane Courier, 31 March 1883, p 6).

Sources

Brisbane Courier, 31 March 1883, p 6.

Police_District

Normanton

Sources

C Twofold Bay, South Coast

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

564

Victim_Dead

9

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Thawa or Djirringany

Narrative

Sealers (a vessel crew of 11) killed nine Aboriginal men allegedly in reprisal from an Aboriginal day time attack seeking the return of at least one Aboriginal woman abducted by the sealers. 'To intimidate them, it was thought advisable to suspend those that fell, on the limbs of trees, but before daylight the next morning, they were taken down, and carried off'. (<i>SG</i>, April 6, 1806, p 2)

Sources

<i>The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser</i> April 6, 1806, p 2 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/627073">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/627073</a>

Police_District

Sydney

Sources

C Cape Bedford, QLD

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1076

Victim_Dead

24

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

LanguageGroup

Guugu Yimidhirr

Narrative

Following the killing of a cedar cutter, Sub-Inspector O'Connor and 6 troopers captured 28 Aboriginal men and 13 women in a gorge at Cape Bedford. 24 men were shot and 4 men escaped by swimming but were thought drowned. The women were released. 'We have been favored by Mr. W. H Campbell with the following account of the prompt retribution visited upon the blacks near Cooktown for their unprovoked and wanton attack upon Messrs. Hartley and Sykes: "Your readers have already been made acquainted with the particulars concerning the recent outrage of the blacks at Cooktown, when Captain Sykes and Mr Hartley were severely wounded in an attempt to bring off a cedar log from the north shore of Cooktown harbor. I can now give a history of subsequent events in what has proved to be a tragedy of no mean interest. On February 7 (the day following the affray), a party of three crossed the harbor with the intention of securing and bringing back the articles left behind by Captain Sykes. The party consisted of Mr Browne of the <i>Herald</i> office, a boatman named Harris, and myself." The group found and followed tracks for some time and found recently abandoned gunyas before returning to their boat and sailing for Cooktown. 'A party of six native troopers and two Europeans, who started out the night previous, and crossed the Endeavor twenty miles above us, never reached the scene of the affray, the intervening swamps being uncrossable by the horses. On Thursday the 14 instant [February], sub-Inspector [Stanthorpe] O'Connor with 6 troopers crossed the harbour in a boat at night and by moonlight picked up the tracks of the blacks. The latter however, discerned the approach of the troopers, and retreated across the ranges to the ocean beach. The inspector then divided his forces, and with one party, made a detour in the direction of Cape Bedford, and by Sunday morning [16 February], had hemmed the blacks within a narrow gorge, of which both outlets were secured by the troopers. There were twenty eight men and thirteen gins thus enclosed, of whom some of the former escaped. Twenty four were shot down on the beach, and four swam out to sea. The Inspector and his men then sat down on the beach, and waited for the swimmers to return, but without success, and after several hours they were lost sight of, it is conjectured they were drowned. One woman also swam out from the land, and after remaining four hours in the water, was captured by a trooper, who went in after her. The men [troopers] hunted up the remainder of the gins, and having found a meerschaum pipe and tomahawk in their possession belonging to Mr Hartley, the inspector was satisfied he had not killed innocent people. This was explained to the lubras, and they were permitted to go away. Mr O'Connor returned to the north shore on Monday afternoon [17 Feb], and lighted a large fire as a signal of success, a boat was sent across the harbour to bring him back to Cooktown."' (Brisbane Courier, 1 March 1879)

Sources

Brisbane Courier (Qld:1864-1933), 1 March 1879, p 6 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/884498">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/884498</a>

Police_District

Cooktown

Sources

C Appin

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

565

Victim_Dead

14

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gundungurra

Narrative

At 1:00 am on 17 April 1816, a party of the 46th Regiment led by Captain James Wallis came across an Aboriginal camp on the cliffs above a creek. According to military historian, John Connor, 'Wallis ordered his troops into a line and advanced into the camp in the moonlight, killing seven Aborigines…. Wallis did not send any men around the camp to cut off people fleeing the advancing line and according to Wallis a further seven “met their fate by rushing in despair over the precipice”.' (Connor 2002, p.51) According to Connor, 'Two women and three men were captured.' 'The bodies of two men, Durelle and Kanabygal, who were allegedly Aboriginal chiefs, were hauled from the creek and hanged on McGee’s Hill near Boughton’s farm’ (Connor 2002, p 51).

Sources

Wallis to Macquarie, May 4, June 4, 1816, in Connor 2002, p 51; Elder 2003, p 25.

Police_District

Parramatta

Sources

C Mitchell River, Far North Queensland

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1077

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Kunjen / Kokomini

Narrative

In December 1864, the brothers Frank and Alexander Jardine were leading a droving expedition from Rockhampton to Somerset at the tip of Cape York where their father was the magistrate for the entire region. On 18 December 1864, two days after a massacre to the south, they reached the Mitchell River and set up camp. According to the Jardines, they were immediately attacked by 70 or 80 Aboriginal warriors. '[T]heir [spears] now coming much too close to be pleasant (for some of them were thrown a hundred yards) the three [horsemen] turned suddenly on their pursuers, and galloping up to them, poured in a volley, the report of which brought down their companions from the camp, when the skirmish became general. The natives at first stood up courageously, but either by accident or through fear, despair or stupidity, they got huddled in a heap, in, and at the margin of the water, when ten carbines poured volley after volley into them from all directions, killing and wounding with every shot with very little return, nearly all their spears having been expended in the pursuit of the horsemen. About thirty being killed,the leader thought it prudent to hold his hand, and let the rest escape. Many more must have been wounded and probably drowned, for 59 rounds were counted as discharged' (Byerley 1867, np).

Sources

Byerley, FJ 1867, Gutenberg online, np. <a href="https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html">https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html</a>

Group

23

Police_District

Somerset

Sources

C Minnamurra River, South Coast

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

566

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dharawal

Narrative

Lt Weston, owner of a property at Dapto, Cornelius O’Brien, overseer of William Browne’s property at Yallah and seven labourers and convict workers, attacked an Aboriginal campsite and fired muskets at them (Elder 2003, pp25-6). 'Bundle, a Native came and told me that the Natives (Men and Women) at the river were all killed.' (Wild n.d.)

Sources

Depositions to the Sydney Bench, October 24, 1818; Report by Joseph Wild, District Constable at Illawarra n.d.; Elder 2003, p 25-6.

Police_District

Sydney

Sources

C Baladuna Waterhole

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

1078

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garrwa

Narrative

Roberts (2005, p 201) wrote: "In 1897, a large number of Garrwa people, among them Peter Garinjamaji and Illiburra ('Crooked Foot'), were gathered for a Kunabibi ceremony at Baladuna Waterhole on Settlement Creek. Many were shot when a large group of armed stockmen from Wollogorang led by the manager, Robert ('Bob') Shadforth, attacked the gathering and kidnapped women, including one of Illiburra's wives. Garinjamaji was shot in the shoulder by an infamous stockman of mixed descent named Yellow Paddy. The survivors fled into the rugged hills where Illiburra, a tall man regarded by Europeans as the local 'king', immediately planned a counter-attack, sending nightly scouting parties to watch the station. It was Shadforth he particularly wanted, which suggests he may have had other grievances against him."

Sources

Roberts, 2005, pp 58 and 201; Jane Morrison, Australian Frontier Conflicts, <a href="www.australianfrontierconflicts.com.au">www.australianfrontierconflicts.com.au</a>; Spearim, B and McVeigh, S ABC News, 19 December 2022, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-12-19/fred-leone-garrinjamaji-aboriginal-warrior-family-ties/101761576">https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-12-19/fred-leone-garrinjamaji-aboriginal-warrior-family-ties/101761576</a>

Police_District

Borroloola

Sources

C Branch Creek, Wollogorang Station

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1079

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Garrawa

Narrative

Roberts (2005, p 201) wrote: "Lawrence Wells, a member of the border survey party, called at Westmoreland station in August 1886 where he learned of a massacre on Wollogorang [Station]. At a place called The Pocket, on Branch Creek, he was told that 'many natives had been shot by the whites for cattle-spearing - the gins and picaninnies sometimes sharing the same fate'. Among the station managers and stockmen in this border country, Wells observed, were 'rough, hard cases, quite capable of retaliating and taking the law into their own hands' for the spearing of cattle."

Sources

Roberts, 2005, p 201.

Police_District

Borroloola

Sources

C Mudgee, Rylstone

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

568

Victim_Dead

16

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0

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Aboriginal People

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LanguageGroup

Wiradjuri

Narrative

According to historian of the Bathurst Wars, Stephen Gapps, Theophilus Chamberlain, convict overseer to George and Henry Cox's cattle and sheep runs at Dabee Farm (later 'Rawdon' near Rylstone) in the Mudgee area and two convict stockmen were attacked on or about 10 September 1824 by a party of about 30 Wiradjuri warriors led by 'Blucher' north west of Mudgee. After a battle with boomerangs and muskets, Chamberlain shot dead 'Blucher' and two other warriors (Gapps 2021, pp.6-7). The following day, Chamberlain and the two stockmen were returning to Mudgee, when they encountered about 40 Wiradjuri warriors and after a battle, 16 were killed. "It appeared that the whole of the natives had been engaged in burying the three men that had been killed the preceding day. The party immediately dismounted, and heaped the whole of the arms on the fires; and, whilst they were in the act of burning the same, a large number of natives (men, women, and children), came suddenly towards them. The overseer and his two men immediately mounted their horses and retreated, followed by about 40 native men; but they had few arms with them, which they threw with great fury. The overseer, warily watching the natives, and finding that they had nearly expended their arms, he and his men dismounted, tied their horses together, and faced about, commencing a fire of musquetry on the natives, then charged them with the bayonet until they were completely routed and dispersed. The natives left sixteen men dead on the field, and their weapons were completely destroyed." (Sydney Gazette, 30 September, 1824, p2)

Sources

<i>SG</i> 16 September 1824, p 2 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/494925">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/494925</a>; <i>Sydney Gazette</i>, 30 September 1824, p.2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2183259">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2183259</a>; Gapps 2021, pp. 6-7.

Police_District

Bathurst

Sources

C Dungginmini

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1080

Victim_Dead

15

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gurdanji

Narrative

The date of this massacre is unclear, but the perpetrator has been identified. Lewis (2021, np) provided these details: "On the McArthur River some 60 km upstream from the McArthur River Mine is Dungginmini: a permanent waterhole which is a Gurdanji sacred place...John Avery recorded a narrative of a massacre at this place from a land claim informant during 1977: "There was a mob of Aboriginals camping here in the old times, poor buggers, when Top Station was up. Frank Meagan came out with pack horses, plant, trailing horses and rifles. They been hunting around for people to shoot. They left their horses north of the spring and swung around the spring. They ran into them and shot them all. They shot the whole mob. Some fellas got out, some got up the steep cliffs. The waterhole was all blood—girls and boys, old women and men were shot. They did the same all around right down to Kilgour and Amelia Spring. Frank Meagan also poisoned people at Warunguri'." Roberts (2005, p 184) clarified 'Meagan's' identity. He was most likely Reading Littler 'Frank' Meeking who worked on McArthur River and Elsey Stations. In 1903 he was the sole applicant for 100 square miles of land under pastoral lease north-west of Borroloola (NTTG, 25 Dec 1903, p 4) and by 1914 was advertising as a saddler in Darwin (NTTG, 10 Sept 1914, p 16).

Sources

Lewis, G in Bainton & Skrzpek (Eds) (2021), Asia-Pacific Environment Monograph 15, np; Roberts, 2005, p 184; NTTG, 25 Dec 1903, p 4 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4314575">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4314575</a> and 10 Sept 1914, p 16 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3279979">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3279979</a>.

Police_District

Borroloola

Sources

C Turon River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

569

Victim_Dead

45

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0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wiradjuri

Narrative

According to military historian John Connor (Connor 2002, p59-61), following the declaration of martial law in the Bathurst District in August 1824, about forty soldiers from the 40th Regiment led by the Commandant at Bathurst, Major Morisset, three magistrates and three mounted settlers and some Aboriginal guides set off for the region north of Bathurst. According to missionary LE Threlkeld, a detachment of soldiers led by Major Morisset drove a large number of Wiradjuri people, men, women and children, into a swamp and 'all were destroyed'. In the aftermath, 'forty-five heads were collected and boiled down for the sake of the skulls! My informant, a Magistrate, saw the skulls packed for exportation in a case at Bathurst ready for shipment to accompany the commanding Officer on his voyage shortly afterwards taken to England' (Threlkeld cited in Gunson 1974, p 49). Military historian John Connor (2002, p59) acknowledges that Morisset made no report of the entire Bathurst operation.

Sources

Gunson 1974, p 48-9, 74n.43; Connor 2002, p59-61.

Police_District

Bathurst

Sources

C Moira Swamp

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1081

Victim_Dead

26

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Yorta Yorta, Bangerang

Narrative

Following the killing of two employees at Horatio Spencer Wills' station 'Calimo' (Tumudgery) on the Edward River near present day Deniliquin in NSW, and the loss of several hundred sheep at other stations along the River Murray, on 24 November 1843, Superintendent La Trobe ordered Henry Dana, of the native police, Crown Lands Commissioner Henry Smythe and his Murray District border police, to each take a detachment of their mounted men to the Murray River at Barmah and Moira Lakes, to investigate (Robinson 24 November 1843 in Clark 1998, pp. 213-214). La Trobe was responding to a letter from Henry Bingham, Commissioner of Crown Lands, based at Tumut in NSW, seeking help. Dana and Smythe and their detachments were accompanied by settlers Henry S. Lewis, Edward Hogg and John Oldbury Atkinson and by a detachment of Bingham's border police led by Sgt James. (Franklin 2021, p.49) The entire party is estimated to have comprised about 20 horsemen. <br> An encounter took place in the Moira Swamps on 15 December 1843. When Dana returned to Melbourne he sent a brief report to La Trobe on 1 January 1844, saying that he had joined Smythe's party 'on the Murray' and that his men had 'behaved exceedingly well and were of the greatest use in the expedition.' (Dana in Franklin 2021, p. 45) <br> However Assistant Protector William Thomas had already heard that several people were killed and confronted Dana about it. In response Dana 'abused him...in a violent manner, damned and threatened to kick him.' (Robinson 3 Jan 1844 in Clark 1998, p. 1) On 8 January 1844, the <i>Geelong Advertiser</i> reported that Thomas had charged Dana with 'the murder of several natives!' and that an investigation was under way. On 4 January 1844, Dr James Allen, Robinson's son-in-law and medical officer at Narre Warren Aboriginal station, told Robinson that 'the blacks had told him that a number of men also women were shot by Dana's party at the Murry [sic] and the children were knocked on the head with carrabines. They first sent a party to look for the natives and then went and planted themselves in a scrub and sent two or three troopers to round or drive them up like sheep to be large party carrelled; they then commenced firing and shot some of them in the river etc.' Dana told Robinson that 'he had had a brush with the natives. He went to the Murray by the Campaspe [River] and returned said 20 men, one woman, five children were shot.' (Robinson 5 January 1844 in Clark 1998, p.2) <br> The inquiry exonerated Dana but did not record the number of people killed. (<i>Port Phillip Gazette</i> 31 January 1844). However, on 17 April 1844, former Sergeant Edward Broderick of Smythe's mounted border police, wrote to La Trobe complaining of his recent dismissal from the force and that he had kept quiet about the illegal shootings of Aboriginal people at the Murray River on 15 December 1843. Smythe and his men had attacked an Aboriginal camp and shot men, women and children 'indiscriminately' and that his evidence could be supported by the three settlers and Sgt James. (Broderick to La Trobe 17 April 1844 in Franklin 2021, pp. 46-49) La Trobe demanded an explanation from Smythe and the three settlers. However, they all said that they fired in self-defence and there was no indiscriminate firing. Smythe said that two Aboriginal men were killed and one woman was wounded in the wrist. Edward Hogg said that Broderick did most of the firing. (Smythe to La Trobe 26 April 1844; Statement by Edward Hogg, 5 June 1841 in Franklin 2021, pp. 54-9). <br> The inquiry came to an end in August 1844, when the Colonial Secretary in Sydney said that Governor Gipps could see 'no reason to suppose that Mr Smythe encouraged or sanctioned the exercise of any unnecessary severity towards the Natives, on the unfortunate occasion of his collision with them in the Swamp called "Moira"'. (Col Sec to La Trobe 16 August 1844 in Franklin 2021, p. 61) This incident is one of very few that led to two formal inquiries. In each case, the ringleaders, Dana and Smythe, were exonerated. <br> Colonial records refer to Aboriginal people in this area as 'Bangerang'. Today, some Aboriginal people in this area prefer to be recognised as Yorta Yorta and some as Bangerang.

Sources

Clark ed. Robinson, Port Philllip Journals, vol 3 and vol 4, 1998; Franklin 2021; <i>Geelong Advertiser</i>, 8 January 1844 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/92676812/8432710">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/92676812/8432710</a>; <i>Port Phillip Gazette</i>, 31 January 1844 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23202115">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23202115</a>.

Police_District

Murray

Sources

C Hunter Valley, The Bridgman Estate, Fal Brook

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

570

Victim_Dead

18

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wonnarua

Narrative

The massacre was carried out on the Wonnarua people on the evening of 1 September 1826. The massacre was in reprisal for fifteen Wonnarua men killing two convict workers Henry Cottle and Morty Kernan on 28 August 1826, at the hut of Richard Alcorn who was overseer of Capt. Robert Lethbridge's Bridgman Estate, Fal Brook, near present day Singleton in the Hunter Valley. Magistrate Robert Scott led a party of 14 (five mounted police, four convict stockmen and four Aboriginal trackers, all armed) that 'came upon' an Aboriginal camp in the evening of 1 September 1826. They killed at least 18 Wonnarua people and wounded more. (<i>The Australian</i> September 23, 1826, p 3). Governor Darling enclosed Scott's report of the massacre in his dispatch November 1826, ML A 1197, vol.8, p.344. Historian Mark Dunn provides the most recent account of the massacre (Dunn 2020, 167-171).

Sources

<i>The Australian</i>, September 16, 1826, p2, <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/37072221">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/37072221</a>, and September 23, 1826, p3 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4248925">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4248925</a>; NSW Governors’ Despatches ML A1197, vol. 8, p344; Dunn 2020, pp167-171.

Police_District

Wallis Plains (Maitland)

Sources

C Mitchell River Anabranch

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1082

Victim_Dead

8

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Kunjen / Kokomini

Narrative

In December 1864, the brothers Frank and Alexander Jardine were leading a cattle droving expedition from Rockhampton to Somerset, Cape York, where their father was police magistrate. According to the brothers' account, 'Whilst they were engaged in marking a line for a crossing place for the cattle, they saw some blacks, and tried to avoid them, these however ran in the direction of the cattle, and brandishing their spears laughingly, defied the horsemen, beckoning them to come on. With this they complied, and turned them back over the creek, and then sat down awaiting the arrival of the cattle. They were not allowed to remain long in peace, for the natives, having left their gins on the other side, swam over the creek and tried to surround them. Being thus forced into a 'row,' the Brothers determined to let them have it, only regretting that some of the party were not with them, so as to make the lesson a more severe one. The assailants spread out in a circle to try and surround them, but seeing eight or nine of their companions drop, made them think better of it, and they were finally hunted back again across the river, leaving their friends behind them. The firing was heard by the cattle party, but before they could come up, the fray was over.' F .J. Byerley, the editor of the Jardine Brothers' journals, noted that, 'In this case, as in all others, the collision was forced on the explorers, who, as a rule, always avoided making use of their superior arms' (Byerley, 1867, np).

Sources

Byerley, FJ, 1867. Gutenberg online, np. <a href="https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html">https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html</a>

Group

23

Police_District

Somerset

Sources

C Fort Wellington, Raffles Bay

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

571

Victim_Dead

30

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0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Iwaidja

Narrative

According to archaeologist John Mulvaney (1989, p 69), on 30 July 1827, Captain Henry Smyth, 39th Regiment Commandant at the British Settlement at Fort Wellington, Raffles Bay, exasperated by ‘habitual pilfering’ by the Iwaidja, ‘and following the wounding of a soldier [James Taylor]…responded by ordering an indiscriminate attack’ on the Iwaidja encampment with an 18 pound cannon and killed up to 30 men, women and children. The settlement [Fort Wellington] had been established only a year earlier, following clashes with the Tiwi people at Fort Dundas on nearby Melville Island. John Sweatman, the clerk on board <i>HMS Bramble</i> which visited the fort in 1846, recorded both the event and the effect the killings would have had on the Iwaidja: 'Here [at Fort Wellington] the party again found the natives hostile and after being perpetually attacked, Capt. Smythe, the commandant, determined to try the effect of a severe lesson; he accordingly turned his people out and in one night shot about 30 of the natives, the rest flying for their lives. The consequence of this decisive measure may be imagined, when it is remembered that the severest conflicts of the natives themselves often involve the loss of more than one life, and even that is sufficient to throw a whole tribe into the deepest sorrow and frenzy: it quite settled the matter, no more natives were seen for some months' (Allen & Corris, 1977, pp 135-136). See also the <a href="https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=987">Fort Dundas</a> massacre.

Sources

Mulvaney 1989, p 69; Allen & Corris 1977, pp 135-136. See also: <i>HRA, III,</i> Vol v, pp 816-20 <a href="https://doi.org/10.26181/22300321.v1">https://doi.org/10.26181/22300321.v1</a>; <i>HRA III,</i> Vol vi, p 777 <a href="https://doi.org/10.26181/22300324.v1">https://doi.org/10.26181/22300324.v1</a>; Wilson 1968, p 148; Connor 2002, p 74; McKenna 2016, p 73; Powell 2016, p 90-91; <i>The Colonist</i>, August 4, 1838, p 5 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31721457">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31721457</a>. See also Powell, 2016, pp 90-91.

Police_District

Sydney

Sources

C Central Mount Wedge

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1083

Victim_Dead

10

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Warlpiri

Narrative

This massacre occurred at the time same Mounted Constable George Murray was leading the Coniston reprisals, but is unrelated. Kimber (2003, np) wrote that Fred Raggatt, then owner of Glen Helen, discovered that Warlpiri people had killed and butchered one of his draught horses. Raggatt, “his only long-term mate George [Paddy] Tucker, Archie Giles of neighbouring Redbank station, and [Harry] Tilmouth [part-owner of Napperby Station] had followed their tracks.” The likely number of people estimated by both Kimber and Warlpiri man Dinny Japaltjarri, was 10 to 15. He continued: “…the families took their horse-meat and their fire-sticks into some rock shelters, perched a little way up on a range section west of Central Mount Wedge. Dinny believed that, as the station men approached, a draft of wind had caused the fire-sticks to flare and given their hiding place away. The station men had taken up position among the boulders beneath the rock shelters, from which there was no escape other than coming out into the open. Their rifles had poured the bullets in, and ricocheting bullets had been deadly. After a time the shouts of the men, and the screams of the women and children, ceased. No one ever came out of the rock shelters alive, and Dinny’s family never used them again.”

Sources

Kimber, <i>Alice Springs News</i>, 12 November 2003, np. <a href="https://www.alicespringsnews.com.au/1041.html"> https://www.alicespringsnews.com.au/1041.html</a>

Police_District

Alice Springs

Sources

C Yarramanbah, Quirindi, Liverpool Plains

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

572

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gamilaraay or Guyinbaraay

Narrative

According to a report in <i>The Monitor</i> newspaper, 4 August 1828, p.8, 'Dr Little, of Upper Hunters River,' crossed the Liverpool Range 'and, on coming to a hut, found, to his horror and astonishment, the bodies of some half dozen of black natives, stretched along the earth. From the putrid state of the corpses, it was evident they had been slaughtered a long time. He pursued his journey till he fell in with the white people, stock-keepers and others. He learnt from them, that a large body of blacks had suddenly made their appearance, but whether they paid their visit hostilely, or merely came in great numbers for self-protection, the stock-keepers admitted they could not tell. However, acting in concert, our people commenced a destructive fire of musquetry upon them, and the blacks presently fled. Such were the circumstances of the fight, that some of the black fugitives on being pursued, ascended the trees in hopes of escaping, whence they were brought down by the balls of the assailants.' According to Milliss 1992, p 78-82, at least ten stockmen were involved in the attack on an Aboriginal camp in reprisal for cattle theft. Three stockmen, ‘Captain Pike’ and two others nicknamed ‘The Barber’ and ‘The Londoner’ were ‘remarkably active’ in the affair. Milliss indicates that more Aboriginal people were killed for it took the stockmen several days to burn the bodies. Despite two letters from other settlers reporting the incident to the Colonial Secretary, the incident was not followed up.

Sources

<i>The Monitor</i>, August 4, 1828, p 8 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31760465">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31760465</a>; Milliss 1992, p 78-82; SRNSW 4/1983, CSR 28/7772, Letters Received 1828; Dunn to McLeay, May 6, 1828; Sadlier to McLeay, September 19, 1828.

Police_District

Wallis Plains (Maitland)

Sources

C Moreton Island

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

573

Victim_Dead

20

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0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Guwar

Narrative

At dawn, on the edge of the freshwater lagoon close to Moreton island’s southern extremity, Captain Clunie, with a detachment of the 17th Regiment, surrounded a Ngugi camp and killed up to twenty people. George Watkins recorded: ‘nearly all were shot down. My informant, a young boy at the time, escaped with a few others by hiding in a clump of bushes’ (Watkins, 1892, p 43).

Sources

Evans, 1999, p 65; Watkins, 1892, p 43.

Police_District

Brisbane

Sources

C Dora Dora Station, Table Top Mountain, Murray River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

574

Victim_Dead

12

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Wiradjuri

Narrative

In 1836, two stockmen were killed by Wiradjuri men on Thologolong station near the Murray River, NSW. 'The reprisals by the settlers, the little known Dora Dora massacre, resulted in the deaths of at least a dozen Aboriginal, men, women and children. [T]he attack was led by John Jobbins, owner of adjoining Cumberoona station, a man who quickly gained a reputation for his extreme violence. Cumberoona’s lands were principal camping grounds for local Aboriginal peoples [Wiradjuri], but Jobbins declared that the land was his, exclusively, and that harsh punishment would be administered to those that did not comply.' Jobbins led the attack with an unknown number of armed men on horseback. (Schneider, 2016, p 29)

Sources

Smethwick 2003, p 2; Schneider 2016, p 29.

Police_District

Goulburn

Sources

C Victoria River (2)

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1086

Victim_Dead

40

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Allura or Ngarinyman

Narrative

An undated index card from the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London reads: '20.1601; 1028.1 - skull and femora, male. 20.1062; 1028.2 – skull and femora, male. Natives of the NW Territory of Australia, near the Victoria river, shot early in 1900 in a punitive expedition, in which forty natives male and female were killed. They live sometimes on the coast, sometimes inland; white traders make no irregular unions with their women, so the race remains pure. (For other details of tribe see letters).' 'Pres by Dr Arthur J Gedge 1920' [but the cranium says 1921]. '(Accompanying these remains are glass & stone arrowheads made by them, and sharp oval stones used for an operation on many of the males).' Dr Arthur Gedge does not appear to have been in Australia. The British Medical Journal of 16 September 1927 (p 475) records that he died in London on 16 August 1927.

Sources

Royal College of Surgeons Archive, MS number RCS-MUS/7/8 (undated); British Medical Journal, 10 September 1927, p 475: <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2524749/pdf/brmedj08291-0039b.pdf">https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2524749/pdf/brmedj08291-0039b.pdf</a>; <i>Canberra Times</i>, 21 November 1988, p 1: <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/110615322">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/110615322</a>

Police_District

Timber Creek

Sources

C Mt Dispersion, Murray River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

575

Victim_Dead

30

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Kureinji or Dadi Dadi

Narrative

According to <i>The Australian</i>, 8 November 1836, p 2, 'We are sorry to be called upon to animadvert upon circumstance attending [Major Mitchell's ] expedition, which, in our opinion, more than counterbalances any advantage the Colony may derive from the results of the journey [to Australia Felix], in other respects; we allude to the Australian Aborigines by the party in question. It appears that Major Mitchell having, or fancying he had reason to apprehend danger from a numerous tribe who followed close upon their tracks for above two hundred miles, laid in ambush with his party in a thick scrub bordering upon the river, sending the bullock-drivers on cracking their whips so as to induce a belief that they had proceeded onwards. The natives having unconsciously advanced into the middle of an ambush, were set upon and fired at, a large number being killed on the spot, and the remainder taking the river, into which they plunged, swimming to the other side, the Europeans firing at and killing several more in the water. It is said that at least thirty were slain; how many escaped with wounds does not appear.' Major Thomas Mitchell wrote to Colonial Secretary McLeay that he divided his group (exploring party) into two parties and that when they attacked, ‘the whole [Aboriginal people] betook themselves to the River – my men pursuing and shooting as many as they could. Numbers were shot in swimming across the Murray, and some even after they had reached the opposite shore, as they ascended the bank. Amongst those shot in the water was the Chief (recognised by a particular kind of cloak he wore, which floated after he went down). Thus in a very short time the usual silence of the desert prevailed on the banks of the Murray, and we pursued our journey unmolested.’ (Mitchell to Colonial Secretary McLeay cited in Milliss, 1992, p 130)

Sources

<i>The Australian</i>, 8 November, 1836, p 2 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4258629">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4258629</a>; Mitchell 1839 vol. II, pp 101-2; <i>HRA</i>, I, xviii, p 590-1 <a href="https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XVIII_July_1835-June_1837_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300279">https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XVIII_July_1835-June_1837_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300279</a>; Milliss 1992, pp 128-136; Baker, DWA, 'Mitchell Sir Thomas Livingstone (1792-1855)' in <i>ADB</i>, Vol 2, 1967 np <a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mitchell-sir-thomas-livingstone-2463">https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mitchell-sir-thomas-livingstone-2463</a>.

Police_District

Goulburn

Sources

C The Granites

Type

Other

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Details

Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

1087

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Warlpiri

Narrative

Alice Springs historian Dick Kimber wrote: 'Major Jangala told the following account, which can be dated to 1911-1912. Major learnt it from his father. <br> 'A Mounted Policeman with two Native Constables travelled from the Overland Telegraph Line out into Warlpiri country. He arrested six men near the Granites, and commenced the journey back to the Telegraph Line. One Warlpiri man, who had been resting in the shade about 50 to100 metres away when the arrests were made, had crawled and then run away while the arrests were being made, but when sure of his safety then returned and followed the patrol. <br> 'He was able to obtain water and camp a short distance off the line of march because he knew the rockholes and soakages of the country. Very occasionally he "finger-talked" to the prisoners, suggesting possibilities of escape, but had to be extremely careful, and normally stayed out of sight except at sundown and sunrise. <br> 'Each night the prisoners were chained to trees with neck-chains, one to a tree so that they could not readily contrive an escape. After a few days the policeman made a decision. He was friendly in manner as he gave each man along an almost straight line of trees some breakfast and a drink of water, and Major envisaged him saying to each prisoner, "Sorry old man". When they had finished their meal and drink, he and the Native Constables stood off at a short distance and shot them all. They took the chains off, left the men who were shot for the wedge-tailed eagles, falcons, crows and dingoes, and rode back towards the Overland Telegraph Line. <br> 'The man who had been following the group fled, and became the teller of the story. … I have no reason whatsoever to doubt Major Jangala's story. I knew him for years, travelled his country with him, and he was a man of strong character and integrity. I therefore do believe that an unknown policeman, not wishing to go through the trouble of long travel with Warlpiri prisoners and a court case, committed murder in the name of rough frontier justice well south-east of The Granites in about 1912' (Alice Springs News, 8 Oct 2003). <br> This could have been a response to a story that appeared in the NT Times and Gazette on 25 November 1910 (p 2): 'OUTRAGE BY NATIVES. A brief telegram was received in Darwin on Thursday morning from Hall's Creek, W.A., stating that a prospector named John Stewart was killed by natives at Granite Hill, 60 miles south east of Tanami, on the morning of 3rd inst., his head being battered to a pulp with a tomahawk. Stewart went to water horses at a soak three quarters of a mile from camp. He was armed with a Winchester rifle and revolver, fully loaded, which the blacks have taken and made off in a westerly direction. The police are endeavoring to make arrests. Stewart is supposed to have a brother and sister living at Spring Hill, Carag Carag, Victoria' (NTTG, 25 Nov 1910, p 2).

Sources

Kimber, R 'Centre's rough frontier justice' in Alice Springs News, 8 October 2003, np: <a href="https://www.alicespringsnews.com.au/1036.html">https://www.alicespringsnews.com.au/1036.html</a> Northern Territory Times and Gazette 'Outrage by Natives', 25 November 1910, p 2: <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/3266329/829844">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/3266329/829844</a>

Police_District

Timber Creek

Sources

C Barraba, Liverpool Plains

Type

Other

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576

Victim_Dead

80

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gamilaraay

Narrative

Sergeant Temple led a detachment of mounted police and a party of stockmen and settlers, including TS Hall to 'clear' the Barraba area of Aboriginal people. Missionary LE Threlkeld said that 80 Aboriginal people were slaughtered (Gunson, 1974, 136). The operation was briefly reported in British Parliamentary Papers for 1839 (BPP 1839, Paper 526).

Sources

BPP 1839, vol. 34, Paper 526; Gunson 1974, pp 136, 275-6, 279.

Police_District

Maitland

Sources

C Bathurst (Potato Field) Massacre

Type

Other

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1088

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6

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

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Wiradjuri

Narrative

According to W.H. Suttor, 'a foreigner named Antonio [Josea Antonio Roderigo, former assigned servant to William Cox], had cultivated a patch of land [100 acres at Bila Wambuul flats] on the Macquarie River, opposite the town of Bathurst. Among other things he grew some potatoes. One day, as a large number of the black tribe [Wiradjuri] of the place came by, Antonio, moved by the spirit of good nature, gave some of his tubers to these people. Next day, they having appreciated the gift, appeared at the potato field and commenced to help themselves. This was not to Antonio's liking, who roused the people from the settlement on his behalf. They rushed down and attacked the blacks, some of whom were killed and others maimed.' (Suttor 1887, p.44) Stephen Gapps considers the Wiradjuri Camp [in Birch Close, Kelso] to be the massacre site (Gapps 2021, p.136).

Sources

Suttor (1887), p.44; Gapps (2021), pp.134-6)

Police_District

Bathurst

Sources

C Waterloo Creek, Jews Lagoon

Type

Other

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577

Victim_Dead

40

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0

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Aboriginal People

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LanguageGroup

Gamilaraay

Narrative

On 26 January 1838, twenty six mounted police under the command of Lt Cobban and accompanied by several stockmen and settlers drove a party of Gamilaraay warriors into Snodgrass Lagoon, now known as Jews Lagoon, and shot and killed at least forty of them. The massacre was allegedly in reprisal for the spear wound of a mounted police trooper two hours earlier. The massacre took place at the end of a month-long operation by mounted police in search of Aboriginal warriors led by Major J W Nunn (Milliss 1992, pp 183-96). In the ensuing inquiry into the massacre, Sergeant John Lee said that 'from forty to fifty blacks were killed.' (<i>HRA, I</i>, XX, p 251). A party of local squatters who visited the site later reported that 'sixty or seventy' Aborigines were killed, 'some of them ... shot like crows in the trees.' (<i>SMH</i>, 2 July 1849, p 2) The Rev. L. E. Threlkeld, (Gunson 1974, vol 1, p 145) in his annual report for 1838 to the NSW Colonial Secretary, said that 'two or three hundred' were killed. This number could be the tally of Nunn's month long operation against Gamilaraay people in the region.

Sources

Gunson 1974, vol. I, p. 145; BPP 1839, vol. 34, Paper 526; <i>HRA, I</i>, XX, 244-57; <a href="https://doi.org/10.26181/22300285.v1">https://doi.org/10.26181/22300285.v1</a>; <i>SMH</i>, July 2, 1849, p 2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745" >http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745</a>; Milliss 1992, pp 175-77, 183-96; Ryan 2003, pp 33-43; <i>Town and Country Journal</i>, 28 February, 1874.

Police_District

Wallis Plains (Maitland)

Sources

C Pagan's Flat, Tabulum

Type

Other

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1089

Victim_Dead

20

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bundjalung

Narrative

According to Eve Kean, the author of the history of Kyogle, in 1841, P.C.Pagan, leaseholder of East Tabulum station was speared and killed by a Bundjalung warrior for having fired his gun into the Bundjalung camp for their having stolen a blanket. 'In reprisal, a posse of armed stockmen and border police, massacred the entire camp.' (Kean 1957, p.12). The camps was located on the Clarence River, at what is now Pagan's Flat.

Sources

Kean (1957), p.12.

Police_District

Kempsey

Sources

C Slaughterhouse Creek, Gwydir River

Type

Other

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578

Victim_Dead

180

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

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Gamilaraay

Narrative

Although there is no first hand account of the Slaughterhouse Creek massacre, a second hand account was recorded by magistrate, Edward Denny Day, a few months later, in a letter to NSW Colonial Secretary Edward Deas Thomson, 31 July 1838. He said that Aboriginal people had 'been repeatedly pursued by parties of mounted men and armed stockmen, assembled for the purpose, and that great numbers of them had been killed at various spots, particularly at Vinegar Hill, Slaughter-house Creek and Gravesend, so called by the stockmen, in commemoration of the deeds enacted there.' (Day to Thomson, 31 July, 1836) According to stockman William Telfer, who prepared in 'The Wallabadah Manuscript, Recollections of the Early History of the Northern District of New South Wales' in 1900, (1980, p.37), 'the massacre of the blacks at Slaughterhouse Creek on the Big River where they ran the blacks into the Stockyard and destroyed them without mercy nearly two hundred were shot down.' According to historian RHW Reece, (Reece, 1974, p.34), the Slaughterhouse Creek massacre was part of 'The Bushwhack or The Drive', that took place in the months following the Waterloo Creek massacre on 26 January 1838. According to Roger Milliss, 'A party of fifteen heavily armed stockmen... quietly surrounded the gorge... When daylight came the fifteen whites positioned on the steep slopes on either side opened up on them with muskets, carbines and shotguns, then clambered down and completed their murderous work with pistols, swords and cutlasses. Up to 300 people are said to have perished.' (1992, pp.200-3)

Sources

Day to Thomson, 31 July, 1838, SRNSW CSIL 38/9458, Letters From Police magistrate, Muswellbrook, NSW; Telfer, 1980; Reece 1974, p.34; Milliss 1992, pp 200-3.

Police_District

Scone

Sources

C Eight Mile Swamp Creek, Bathurst

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1090

Victim_Dead

6

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Wiradjuri

Narrative

Following the Wiradjuri killing of seven workers in a 24 hour period on the Bathurst frontier, a detachment of the 40th regiment and an unknown number of armed and mounted settlers, overseers and stock keepers, set off in revenge. According to historian Stephen Gapps, the posse found some of the Wiradjuri at Eight Mile Swamp Creek. '[A] volley was discharged in their midst; and ... some of them dropped, but whether males or females then they did not know.' One of the perpetrators thought that 'one was an old woman, but of the age or the sex of the others, they pleased ignorance' - though the bodies of two other women had been found. In the aftermath, six of the men who discharged their muskets were arrested and charged with manslaughter and five of them were sent to Sydney for trial. The Attorney-General Saxe Bannister, said that the action against the women was not an act of self-defence and that the law held no difference between individuals white or black. (Gapps 2021, pp.164-5). At the trial in early July 1824, magistrate William Cox said that the killing was justified because 'the natives may now be called at war with the Europeans, and that in his opinion, resistance is justifiable.' (quoted in Gapps 2021, p.166). He also argued that Governor Macquarie's Proclamation of 1816 which said that Aboriginal people must stay away from the frontier, was still in force. The jury said they did not find enough evidence to convict the accused and acquitted all five men. (Gapps 2021, p.166).

Sources

Gapps 2021, pp. 146, 164-6; <i>Sydney Gazette</i> 8 July 1824, p. 2.

Police_District

Bathurst

Sources

C Myall Creek

Type

Other

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579

Victim_Dead

28

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0

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LanguageGroup

Wirayaraay (Gamilaraay)

Narrative

In the absence of William Hobbs, the overseer of Myall Creek station on the Gwydir River, twelve horsemen galloped into the station late on Sunday afternoon 10 June 1838 and tied up 28 Wirayaraay old men, women and children and forced them to walk to an area out of sight of the station huts. The horsemen then fired at the tied up people with pistols and fowling pieces and then hacked and bludgeoned them to death with swords and cutlasses. Then they rode off and returned next day and burnt the bodies. The massacre was led by settler John Henry Fleming and eleven stockmen; John Russell, Charles Kilmeister, Edward Foley, Charles Toulouse, James Oates, William Hawkins, John Johnstone, James Parry, John Blake, Edward Palliser and William Lamb. When Hobbs returned to Myall Creek station three days later, he was told about the massacre by hut keeper Charles Anderson and after viewing the burnt bodies, Hobbs wrote a letter reporting the massacre to the Colonial Secretary in Sydney who ordered an investigation by magistrate Edward Denny Day. The ringleader, John Henry Fleming disappeared before Day arrived in the region, leaving the 11 stockmen to take the rap. They were arrested and charged with murder and taken to Sydney for trial in the Supreme Court. However two trials were required before seven of them were convicted and hanged on 18 December 1838. This is the only known case in NSW where perpetrators of a frontier massacre of Aboriginal people were convicted and hanged. Myall Creek is the best known massacre event in Australia. Beginning in 2000, the massacre is acknowledged every June in a public ceremony of remembrance at the massacre site. The ceremony is attended by, among others, descendants of the perpetrators and victims in a gesture of reconciliation. (Based on Lydon and Ryan, 2018).

Sources

<i>HRA, I</i>, xix, p 700-7 <a href="https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XIX_July_1837-January_1839_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300282?file=39667741">https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XIX_July_1837-January_1839_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300282?file=39667741</a>; <i>The Australian</i>, July, 17, 1838, p 3 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36854124">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36854124</a>; November 17, 1838, p 2 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36859766">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36859766</a> and December 1, 1838, p 2 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36860246">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36860246</a>; <i>SMH</i>, July 2, 1849 p2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745</a> Tedeschi, 2016; Lydon and Ryan, 2018.

Police_District

Scone

Sources

C Junction Island, Murray River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

580

Victim_Dead

40

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

LanguageGroup

Tati tati

Narrative

On 24 April 1839, the 'Southern Australian' reported on page 3, 'We have the pleasure in announcing the safe arrival in the province of Messrs McLeod and McPherson, from New South Wales, with 500 head of cattle and one thousand sheep. We understand that they only lost four sheep and two head of cattle during their journey. It is reported, that they had a recounter [sic] with the aborigines on the way, and that forty natives were killed.' Three days later, the 'South Australian Gazette and Colonial Register' published the following: 'There is no truth in the story published in the 'Southern Australian' that Messrs McLeod and McPherson had a rencontre with the natives in which forty of the latter were shot.' ('South Australian Gazette and Colonial Register', April 27, 1839, p.2). Despite the denial, it appears that a massacre took place at Junction Island, where the Darling River flows into the Murray River.

Sources

<i>Southern Australian</i>, April 24, 1839, p 3 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71685226">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71685226</a>; <i>South Australian Gazette & Colonial Register</i>, April 27, 1839, p 2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31750562">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31750562</a>

Police_District

Goulburn

Sources

C Ryan's Well

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1092

Victim_Dead

30

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0

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Aboriginal People

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Colonists

LanguageGroup

Arrernte

Narrative

Ryan’s Well was sunk as a stock well in 1889 by Ned Ryan’s team who had a contract with the SA Water department, hence the name. The date of this massacre is unclear, but is referred to by Pastor Friedrich Wilhelm Albrecht, who arrived in Central Australia in 1926, in these terms (1981, pp5-6): 'Still, off and on, we found quite old people, perhaps 70 or 80 years of age, yet still able to walk quite long distances. During the winter months, we sometimes found whole groups with a cough. After they had come to know that we had medicine better than their witch doctors had to offer, they lined up soon after we had arrived at a camp, asking for medicine. One morning, after most of the people had received a dose of Fryars Balsam in a little water, one tall, strong man came up. Looking in the medicine glass, into which I put some drops the medicine which made the (illegible) curdle, he hesitated. Then, after looking at me very intently, he piped up "Might be paason (meaning poison)". I replied: "Him poison alright." Another intense look, when I tried to remain as unmoved as possible, he continued: "Me takem all same." This little incident is related to show how these primative [sic] people had gained confidence quickly with white people, even if some of them had been with white people and had made some unpleasant and in the case of the Ryans Well massacre, even horrifying experiences.' The South Australian Museum holds information that Pastor Albrecht estimated that 30 people were massacred.

Sources

Northern Territory Government (1999) 'Ryan's Well Historical Reserve Plan of Management'; Albrecht, FW (1981) 'Following God's Tracks in Central Australia' (typed manuscript), pp 5-6; SA Museum 'Ryan's Well incident as related by Pastor Albrecht.' Series 662/086, 1925-1929.

Police_District

Alice Springs

Sources

C Kunderang Brook Upper Macleay River Valley

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

581

Victim_Dead

24

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhanggati

Narrative

On 10 June 1840 the <i>Sydney Herald</i> reported that Mr Freer, 'traveling from New England down the bed of the Macleay River with a large flock of sheep, and having one afternoon at a crossing place missed three hundred and seventy of them, he returned to search, accompanied by a stockman and a mounted black. The latter soon discovered that the stock had been driven in the direction of the mountains by' Aboriginal warriors. 'after following the tracks for about eight miles, they came to a precipitous rock, where they turned down a creek, on the sides of which they discovered from two to three hundred' Aboriginal people 'busily engaged in roasting not kangaroos but mutton. The instant they perceived Mr. Freer and his party they took to their spears and boomerangs, retiring to the ranges, but on discovering the weakness of their pursuers, endeavoured to surround them, threatening them and abusing them in tolerable English while daring them to come on. The party being badly armed, Mr Freer prudently retreated, and traveling all night and reached next day a station of a Mr Steele's JP [evidently Towel Creek] where he was furnished with the assistance of three horsemen.' Upon returning to the place he last saw the Aboriginal people, here 'he found the remains of about sixty sheep and three stockyards most ingeniously constructed.' Following their trail, 'Mr Freer and party proceeded about twelve miles up Kundering [Coonderang Creek] Brook,' where they found the Aboriginal people 'had again turned across the Mountains.' Continuing the trail, the party ultimately found the Aboriginal people 'in the act of preparing mutton; on being fired upon they speedily decamped, and the pursuing party were rewarded for their praiseworthy conduct by the satisfaction they felt on recovering two hundred and twenty sheep alive.' (SH, June 10, 1840 p 5) It is stated that the owners of the sheep were Messrs. Betts and Panton, who were at the time occupiers of Long Flat station on the Macleay River. Henderson, 1851, Vol. 2, p 5 states that ‘two to three dozen men were slaughtered’.

Sources

<i>SH</i> June 10, 1840 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1523969">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1523969</a>; Henderson 1851, Vol. 2, p, 5; Frost 1992, p 34.

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C East Bay Neck

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1093

Victim_Dead

40

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Pydairrerme

Narrative

Historian James Bonwick recorded the story of a male convict who was 'engaged as one of the convict crew a small coaster, carrying round a party of ladies and gentlemen to the east coast. Landing for the night at East Bay Neck, a notable place for depredations [in 1826], he heard the stealthy approach of the bloodthirsty tribe, when his companions were asleep. Arousing the crew, and putting them upon their guard, he permitted the band of some forty marauders to near the fire, when, at a signal from him, a general discharge of muskets took place, which strewed the ground with dead and dying.' (Bonwick 1870, p.123)

Sources

Bonwick 1870, p.123.

Police_District

Sorell

Sources

C Darkie Point, Bellinger River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

582

Victim_Dead

30

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0

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Aboriginal People

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LanguageGroup

Baanbay

Narrative

In the autumn of 1841, three shepherds on Frederick Eldershaw's outstation on the north eastern edge of New England, were brutally murdered and 2000 sheep taken by Baanbay warriors. In reprisal Eldershaw organised a ‘pursuing party’ of ten men (including Eldershaw, three neighbours and six stockmen), ‘well mounted and accoutred’ and set off with ten days provisions for the south branch of the Clarence River. According to Eldershaw the party was ambushed by fire on at least one occasion, and after several days, they found the Baanbay camp and the sheep towards evening and split their party in two. One group remained hidden near the camp, and the other, with Eldershaw in the lead, moved to a higher ground above the camp of about 200 Baanbay. When they heard a shot fired below, in reprisal for Baanbay warriors killing one of the men, the group above immediately discharged the 'contents of ten barrels' into the camp below. A second volley from below and a third from above 'dealt frightful havoc in their ranks' and 'according to Eldershaw 'some [of the Baanbay] actually dashed themselves in frantic violence to the depths beneath, in utter heedlessness of life.' (Eldershaw 1854, p 73). 'Shot after shot, with curses wild and deep the excited fellows launched at their hated foes - their butchered comrades' blood was that night fearfully avenged.' (Eldershaw 1854, p 73) It is estimated that at least 30 Baanbay were shot. Eldershaw later justified the massacre on two grounds: that it was a 'necessary consequence' of the 'barbarous murders and inhuman "secret" murders, by poison or by some violent remorseless treachery, of which in preceding times I had so frequently heard and read, were now happily abolished'; and that in the aftermath, 'other Aboriginal groups in the district became harmless, tractable and subdued' (Eldershaw 1854, p 74). Eldershaw's account is reproduced in Blomfield 1981, pp 85-91 and Elder 2003, pp 105-117. The site is known as Darkie Point.

Sources

<a href="https://www.google.com.au/books/edition/Australia_as_it_Really_is/8aYNAAAAYAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&printsec=frontcover">Eldershaw 1854, pp 63-74</a>; Blomfield 1981, pp 85-91; Elder 2003, pp 105-117.

Police_District

Armidale

Sources

C East of Rufus River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1095

Victim_Dead

7

Attacker_Dead

0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Marrawarra

Narrative

According to a statement made by Mr Robinson, an overland party was travelling from Gundagai to South Australia. Nearing the Rufus River, after gathering stray cattle he ventured ahead of the party to look for a crossing. He encountered about 300 Aboriginal people who moved into a crescent formation. Mr Robinson gathered a party of well armed overlanders. 'On our approach they advanced, and we commenced firing: we discharged about 8 rounds each before the blacks gave the least way. They now began to retreat. We then advanced, and drove them back into the bush. During this affray about 15 were killed and wounded.' (Inquirer, August 24, 1842, p 6) The following day at Rufus River, <a href="https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1059">another massacre</a> occurred in which about 21 or more were killed.

Sources

Burke et al, 2016, pp145-179; Inquirer, August 24, 1842 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199</a>

Sources

C Grantham, Moreton Bay Pastoral District

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

584

Victim_Dead

6

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Yugara or Giabal

Narrative

On 1 October 1841 at Grantham on the Darling Downs, a man called Rogers reported a 'standup' battle in which '...two whites were speared and several Aborigines…severely wounded' (Evans, 2007, p 53). Another report by an ex-convict, Brown, however, said the Yugara camp 'was stormed before dawn' by the horsemen and that the firing continued for about half an hour but the number of Yugara [Yuggera] killed is unknown (Evans, 2007, p 53). This 'battle' was in response to the Yugara killing of shepherds at Mocatta’s and Somerville’s stations and attacks on James Balfour’s station at Colinton. The attack was carried out by James ‘Cocky’ Rogers, superintendent of George Mocatta’s station, George Somerville from Tent Hill and their servants, heavily armed with muskets and on horseback (Evans, 2007, p 53).

Sources

Evans, 2007, p 53; A. Hodgson, Report on Aboriginal Outrage, October 27, 1841, SRNSW Col. Sec. 41/9744, CSL micro 12; Moreton Bay Book of Trials, January 13, 1842, OML.

Police_District

Brisbane

Sources

C Grampians

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

1096

Victim_Dead

10

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0

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Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Djabwurrung

Narrative

'On 12 August 1840, a further ten Aborigines were shot by Wedge and his brothers near the Grampians.' (Reece 1974, p 22, cited in Clark, p 157). In a letter to Governor Latrobe, Charles Wedge wrote, "I, with my brothers, removed our stock to the country at the foot of the Grampians, now known as the Grange, on the creeks forming the river Wannon in the Australia Felix of Major Sir Thomas Mitchell... Up to this time we had but little trouble with the aborigines, but they now began to attack our shepherds, whom they drove from their flocks, which they took into the mountains known as the Victoria Range, where they disposed of many hundreds of them by killing, maiming by breaking three of their legs, and otherwise mutilating them in a cruel manner to prevent their escape, and resisting (their numbers giving them confidence) recovery. At this time they also killed a valuable horse and cow belonging to me, and drove away the whole of my milking cattle and working bullocks, some of which returned with spears in them ; and these depredations did not cease till many lives were sacrificed, and, I may say, many thousands of sheep destroyed." (Bride, 1899, p 163) See also the 'Victoria Valley' massacre.

Sources

Bride, 1899, p 163 <a href="https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf">https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf</a>; Clark ID, 1995, pp 156-158 <a href="http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf">http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf</a>

Police_District

Geelong

Sources

C Orara River, near Seelands

Type

Other

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Details

Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

585

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bundjalung

Narrative

According to historian David Kent, in April 1841, in reprisal for alleged stock theft from Ramornie station on the Clarence River by Bundjalung warriors, CLC Oakes of Clarence PD swore in stockmen as special constables to surround a Bundjalung camp at night and at daybreak charged and killed indiscriminately Bundjalung men, women and children (Kent, 2006, p 36-41). According to Kent a man named Lynch was later charged with the stock theft.

Sources

Kent, 2006, pp 36-41.

Police_District

Grafton

Sources

C Kilcoy Station

Type

Other

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Description

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cfm_ID

586

Victim_Dead

60

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Giggarbarah, Woongunbarah and other groups in transit

Narrative

On 1 Febuary 1842, flour laced with strychnine was given to a large group of Aboriginal people at Kilcoy station by two shepherds, resulting in the deaths of at least sixty of them. The shepherds were employed by Evan MacKenzie, lessee of Kilcoy station (<i>SMH</i>, December 5, 1842, p 2).

Sources

Lang, 1847, p 279; Qld Parlt Legislative Assembly, 1861(a), p 19 - Select Ctee in to the Native Police; <i>Queenslander,</i> May 21, 1892, p 987, <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19824074">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19824074</a>; <i>SMH</i>, December 5, 1842 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12426931">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12426931</a>.

Police_District

Brisbane

Sources

C Bogan River beyond Mt Harris

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

587

Victim_Dead

12

Attacker_Dead

3

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Ngiyampaa

Narrative

In October 1841, William Lee's overseer, Andrew Kerr, with a party of stockmen were sent to establish a new station on the Bogan River beyond Mount Harris. One of the requirements of the licence of occupation of Crown lands was to leave water sources for the Ngiyampa people as it was a particularly dry spell. Establishing the new station breached these instructions. The Ngiyampa retaliated by killing Robert Roach, William Moreton and Abraham Fearnham 'and wounded three others' (<i>SMH</i>, August 24, 1842, p 2). A detachment of Mounted Police based at Bathurst led by Corporal Reilly and assisted by squatter Joseph Moulder, William Carr (stockman on squatter William Lee's run at the Bogan River), Andrew Kerr and other stockmen, avenged the death of the three men, killing 12 Ngiyampa and arresting three of the alleged killers, one of whom escaped 'and two were committed to take their trials' [later released] (<i>SMH</i>, August 24, 1842, p 2). CLC William Allman investigated the case and charged the two Ngiyampa men with murder, brought them before the Circuit Court in March 1842, and secured their discharge for lack of evidence. Allman recommended that Lee's pastoral lease be withdrawn and not renewed, and Governor Gipps agreed. Outraged that a settler of Lee's standing should be treated in this way, a group of settlers at Bathurst petitioned Gipps to restore Lee's licence. The matter was raised by James Macarthur in the NSW Legislative Council on 22 August 1842 and in the debate on 23 August, Gipps justified his decision on the grounds that Lee had failed to observe instructions not to squat on the Bogan river and to leave water for the Ngiyampa. The debate was reported in full in the <i>SMH</i> on August 24 1842.

Sources

<i>SMH</i> August 24, 1842 - <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/3858885">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/3858885</a>; See also: Mitchell 1848, p 30; Reece 1974, p 51; Muir 2014, p 39.

Police_District

Wellington

Sources

C Deepwater (1), New England Pastoral District

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

588

Victim_Dead

20

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Guyambal or Ngarabul or Marbal

Narrative

On 11 September 1842, one of the Irby brothers recorded a night time attack on a camp of 100 Anaiwan people located between '2 terribly steep ridges, about 20 metres above a gully. We completely routed them and remained in possession of the camp and all their traps. There were 102 sheep left. We made a large fire and burned everything belonging to them. We got home at 4pm next day, well satisfied with our success.' (Irby, 1908, pp 60-63) Carried out by Edward and Leonard Irby, John Windeyer, overseer Collins and one other on horseback and three other men on foot. Carried out in reprisal for the killing of a stockman.

Sources

Irby 1908, pp 60-63, <a href="https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604968058#page/n61/mode/1up">https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604968058#page/n61/mode/1up</a>

Police_District

Armidale

Sources

C Yandilla station, Darling Downs Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

589

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bigambul?

Narrative

According to historian Maurice French, in late 1842, squatter Sydenham Russell, and stockmen Ralph Gore and Domville Taylor 'surprised a large group of natives coolly rounding up a mob of cattle in broad daylight between Yandina and Tummaville.' (French, 1989, pp 102-103) According to historian HS Russell, 'A "set to" was the consequence. The blacks numbered about three hundred, and kept admirable order showed unusual courage. Upon firing of a shot, the "ducking" of heads and rush on their assailants were instantaneous, well arranged and executed... and it must have been quite half an hour before the mob, which showed steady line throughout, had retreated step by step, to the timber which skirted the western edge of the plain and only then turned tail' (HS Russell cited in French 1989, p 102). However, it is hard to imagine how three white men could have survived unscathed against such a large number of Aboriginal people. It is more likely that there were more than three well-armed white men in the charge at the camp. Russell admits that his family 'carried double-barrelled guns' (HS Russell cited in French 1989, p 103). It is also likely that the attack was carefully planned. Finally, it is unlikely that there were three hundred Aboriginal people in the 'set to' although it is quite likely there were at least one hundred. The absence of an estimate of the number of Aboriginal people killed also suggests a coverup.

Sources

French, 1989, pp 102-103; Russell, 1888, pp 238-239 and 348.

Police_District

Drayton

Sources

C Mt Haldon, Darling Downs Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

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cfm_ID

590

Victim_Dead

12

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Yugara

Narrative

Christopher Rolleston, CCL Darling Downs and party cornered Aboriginal people in daylight in the Range scrub, three days after Yugara people killed Richard White, a shepherd on Sibley and King’s Haldon run and drove off 1874 sheep (French, 1989, p 104). Rolleston estimated that twelve Yugara people were killed (Rolleston to Col Sec, August 15, October 12, 1843, CCL Correspondence 1843, <i>SRNSW</i>, 4/2601).

Sources

French, 1989, p 104; Rolleston to Col Sec, August 15, October 12, 1843, CCL Correspondence 1843, <i>SRNSW</i>, 4/2601

Police_District

Drayton

Sources

C Sheep Station Bluff Upper McLeay River

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

591

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhanggati

Narrative

According to Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, pp 40-41), 'Two young colonial men were left at Sheep Station Creek to hold a small mob of quiet cattle' while the station boss and other stockmen went after the wild cattle. The boys 'fell asleep' and when 'they awoke they found that some Aboriginal men had speared a vealer and were dragging it off.' They informed the boss when he returned, and he quickly set off in pursuit (presumably with the other stockmen) and ‘quite quickly came up with them on the cliff edge. It is said that they forced them over the cliff to their deaths'. Next day one of the two young men left to hold the ‘quiet’ cattle 'became troubled that some of the Aboriginal people may have been left injured by the fall from the cliff and dying a lingering death in the sun. He rode out to the site of the massacre. He found an infant crawling about and took it to Pee Dee station, the McMaugh home.' 'Later the child was taken to live with the Thompson Family at Towel Creek station' (Blomfield, 1981, pp 40-41).

Sources

Blomfield 1981, p 40-41.

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Rosewood Scrub

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

592

Victim_Dead

12

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Yugara or Garumngar

Narrative

Soldiers, settlers and stockmen chased a large group of Aboriginal people led by Multuggerah into the Rosewood Scrub, following the ‘Battle of One Tree Hill’. Carried out by Crown Lands Commissioners Christopher Rolleston and Stephen Simpson, with a vigilante group of settlers, and Lt Johnstone and 10 soldiers from the 99th Regiment (Copland et al, 2006, pp 25-26). Copland estimates that 12 Yugarah people were killed (Copland et al, p 26).

Sources

<i>SMH</i> October 12, 1843, p 3 <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1520833">https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1520833</a>; Copland et al, 2006, pp 25-26.

Police_District

Brisbane

Sources

C Bluff Rock, New England Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

593

Victim_Dead

10

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bundjalung, Marbal or Ngarbal

Narrative

In daylight on 17 October 1844, Edward Irby and Thomas Windeyer and the latter's two servants Connor and Weaver, chased and then lost and then came upon, more by chance than by skill, a group of Bundjalung or Ngarabal (Marbal or Ngarbal speakers?) sheltering beneath the very rocks Irby and Windeyer found themselves upon. Irby and Windeyer lay on the rocks and began firing at the people below, knowing that their fire would bring up Connor and Weaver who joined the slaughter (Irby cited in Walker, 1996, p30). The massacre was in reprisal for the Aboriginal killing of a shepherd named Robinson, employee of Irby Brothers, lessees of Bolivia station (Schlunke 2005 pp 59-60).

Sources

Irby 1908, p 77-80, 88-90, <a href="https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604971617#page/n76/mode/1up">https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604971617#page/n76/mode/1up</a>; Schlunke 2005, pp 59-60; Walker, 1966, p 30.

Police_District

Armidale

Sources

C Crampton’s Corner, Maranoa Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

594

Victim_Dead

15

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gawambaraay or Bigambul?

Narrative

Thomas Crampton was the first white man to occupy land near Goondiwindi in 1837 and held a working share in the Merewah run, owned by James Howe, a settler from the Hawkesbury and Hunter Rivers. One day Crampton went to check on the cattle at Crampton’s corner and found some Aboriginal men in the tops of some trees armed with spears. He shot and killed ‘no less than fifteen blacks’ (Browne, 1922, pp 22-24; Copland, 1990, pp 18-19).

Sources

Copland, 1990, pp 17-19; Gunn, nd, Letter ‘Goondiwindi and District file’ Royal Queensland Historical Society; Browne, 1922, pp 22-24.

Police_District

Warialda

Sources

C Darkey Flat, Southern Darling Downs

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

595

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Geynyan?

Narrative

This attack, by owners and station hands at Talgai Station on the Southern Darling Downs, was carried out to prevent the station from becoming the collecting point for other Aboriginal clans. The account given by French (1989, p 99) relates that 'two uninitiated Aboriginal youths from southern New South Wales, in the employ of a local squatter, had raped several women of the McIntyre (Bigambul?) tribe. When the tribal warriors gathered to punish the transgressors, the reprobates informed the settlers at Talgai Station that the McIntyre tribe was planning a raid on the station. The whites promptly carried out a pre-emptive attack, killing several Aborigines: thereafter the McIntyre tribe had good cause for resisting the white invasion.'

Sources

Hall, 1925, pp 103-104; French, 1989, p 99.

Police_District

Warialda

Sources

C Deepwater (2), New England Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

596

Victim_Dead

16

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Guyambal or Ngarabul or Marbal

Narrative

A party of border police lead by Oliver Fry, Crown Lands Commissioner for the Clarence Pastoral District, 'fired without warning on a party of Aborigines near the Windeyer family's "Deepwater" station at New England killing seven men, four women and five children.' (Richard Craig to Deas Thompson, 1 July 1846, <i>CSIL</i>, 4/2719, 46/5747 cited in Reece, 1974, p 187)

Sources

Walker 1966, p 30; Reece 1974, p 187.

Police_District

Armidale

Sources

C Upper Macleay River

Type

Other

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cfm_ID

597

Victim_Dead

6

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhanggati

Narrative

Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, p 37) cites a paragraph from Mrs H A McMaugh's, 'Early Settlement of the Upper Macleay' (p 6). 'In 1845, Kunderan station was the property of Captain Goblin and he had two shepherds and their wives there, and they were found dead, murdered by the blacks but it was quite a week after the bodies were found and about eight hundred sheep also missing, the matter was reported to the [Crown Lands] Commissioner [Robert] Massie at Kempsey and he in company with John McMaugh and several men from the station tracked the sheep to where the blacks had driven them. They found a large number of them camped under a cliff they immediately showed fight and a battle ensued but the whitemen were well armed and a great number of blacks were killed but the only casualty on the other side was a horse, the men took cover behind the trees and fired at the murderers, a few of the sheep were found but the blacks were so numerous that they killed and ate twenty a night.' Blomfield also heard two separate accounts of the massacre from Aboriginal men, Victor Shepherd and Laurie O'Keefe (Blomfield 1981, p.38).

Sources

McMaugh, nd: 6; Blomfield, 1981, p 36-8.

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Dourallie Creek, Upper Macleay River Valley

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

598

Victim_Dead

60

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dhanggati

Narrative

On October 20, 1846, p2, the 'Sydney Morning Herald' reported: 'Accounts have been received of a great number of cattle having been speared by the blacks, at the head of the McLeay river, and at the Manning. The greatest sufferers are Messrs P. and H. Mackay in the McLeay.' Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, p 46-7), reports 'a punitive expedition led by two graziers opened fire on [Aboriginal] people swimming in [a] waterhole at the junction of [the Macleay river and Durallie Creek]. Some tried to escape by scrambling up the opposite cliff face but were "brought back with lead"'. Blomfield considers that ' [a]bout 60 men, women and children were swimming in the creek where they were all shot.' Details of the massacre were given to Blomfield by Aboriginal Elder Victor Shepherd (Blomfield, 1981, pp 46-7). For sixty people to have been shot, the punitive expedition would have to have comprised at least six well-armed horsemen.

Sources

<i>SMH</i> October 20, 1846, p 2 - <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901989">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901989</a>; Blomfield 1981, pp 46-7.

Police_District

Port Macquarie

Sources

C Junction of Murray and Murrumbidgee Rivers

Type

Other

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Extended Data

cfm_ID

599

Victim_Dead

70

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Dadi Dadi or Weki Weki

Narrative

To ‘clear’ the area of Aboriginal people for a pastoral station for William Ross, 70-80 Aboriginal men were trapped on both sides of the Murray River and shot by Frederick Walker, Edmund Morey, William Ross, John Scott, the Jackson brothers, Williams, Lee and ‘two fine Murrumbidgee natives – Robin Hood and Marengo’ and Mr Yeomans from the other side of the river and others. 'This broke their spirit'. (Morey, 1952 cited in Collins, 2002, p 49)

Sources

Collins 2002, p 48-9 <a href="https://www.goodbyebussamarai.com/text">https://www.goodbyebussamarai.com/text</a>.

Police_District

Albury

Sources

C Whiteside Station, Pine River, Moreton Bay Pastoral District

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

600

Victim_Dead

50

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Buyibara or Yugarabul

Narrative

On 13 April 1847, p 3, <i>The Australian</i> published the following: ' A few days ago, a servant of Captain Griffin, [at the Pine River], named Brown, went to the Police Magistrate and stated that, when Captain Griffin's men left the station for the lambing season, they mixed together a quantity of arsenic and flour, and then left it in the hut, expecting the blacks would visit and make use of the mixture. On their return, they found that the mixture had been eaten. Brown mentioned the name of a fellow servant (Brady) then in Brisbane, who said he knew more of the matter than himself, although he rather thought he would be an unwilling witness. Brady was brought up, but denied at first all knowledge of the matter. However, on being sworn, he recollected himself, and confirmed Brown's statement, naming two other servants who were also aware of the fact - namely, the hutkeeper who had been wounded [earlier by a 'black fellow'], and another named Coppin, the latter of whom he said had mixed the arsenic with the flour. On learning what had occurred, Captain Griffin, who was then in Brisbane, started for his station. The Police Magistrate also dispatched a constable to bring in the other two men. Captain Griffin was, however, the first to reach the station, and was on his way back to Brisbane before the constable arrived at the Pine River. When the constable at length reached the men, they were of course prepared to accompany. They had not absconded, but came down at once. They denied that any mixture had been deliberately made of the flour and arsenic by any one, but admitted that a quantity of flour only had been left in the hut, and that the blacks themselves had mixed it in a dish in which there were some remains of arsenic that had used in the preparation for the sheep. The evidence of these persons has been sent to the Attorney-General, [in Sydney] who will probably institute some further inquiries on the subject. ' '[N.B.-To have left flour on the floor, and arsenic in the identical vessel in which flour is always thrown before it can be made into damper, was only another way of "doing the trick". ED. AUST.]'

Sources

<i>MBC</i> Apr 24, 1847, p 2 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3716282">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3716282</a>; <i>The Australian</i> Apr 13, 1847, p 3 <a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article37126953">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article37126953</a>; Connors, 2015, pp 126-127.

Police_District

Brisbane

Sources

C Boonall Station, MacIntyre River region

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

601

Victim_Dead

40

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Bigambul or Gawambaraay

Narrative

Following the Aboriginal killing of squatter James Mark’s son, Johnny, on 10 September 1847 in retaliation for his shooting and killing an Aboriginal messenger ‘boy’ at ‘Goodar’ station on the Weir River a week earlier, James Mark gathered a posse of settlers and stockmen and rode south to ‘Boonall’ station on the MacIntyre river where they 'found forty Aboriginal people encamped in the bend of the river' (Milliss, 1980, p 39). It appears that they shot them all and then burnt the campsite. There is no indication that the Aboriginal group was involved in the killing of Mark’s son (Milliss, 1980, p 39). This was the first of several revenge killings and massacres led by Mark over more than six months in reprisal for the killing of his son.

Sources

Bligh, CCL, Gwydir to CCCL, 10 Jan 1849; <i>SRNSW</i>, 2/7634; Watts, 1901, p 20; Webb, 1922, pp 7-12; Milliss, 1980, p 39; Copland, 1990, pp 52-54.

Police_District

Warialda

Sources

C Callandoon Station, MacIntyre River

Type

Other

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Description

Extended Data

cfm_ID

602

Victim_Dead

47

Attacker_Dead

0

Victims

Aboriginal People

Attackers

Colonists

LanguageGroup

Gungabula

Narrative

Following the massacre of forty Aboriginal people at Boonall Station by squatter James Mark in retaliation for Aboriginal people killing his son, he continued his revenge rampage with native police from Warialda and shot 47 Aboriginal people at Callandoon station.

Sources

Tonge, nd, pp 22-24; Copland, 2001, p 85; Richards, 2008, pp 65-66; <i>SMH </i> October 15, 1847<a href="http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901587">http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901587</a>.

Police_District

Warialda

Sources

C Kangaroo Creek, Clarence Pastoral District

Type

Other

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